V 












O (V 



-Kl. \P 





> '■>>. 






S -<J 
















^ 









■ 



,& 















O 0^ 









-*> 












t* •£■ 


















a\ 






















































'^. c^' 






V- >V 






V 












■ 






^ '«*, 

































^ vV 









v^V 
















'^^^M^XtdL 




'ghuy 




<? 




(H<ryv J 



THE 



JOHN BROWN INVASION 

AN 

AUTHENTIC HISTORY 

OF THE 

HARPER'S FERRY TRAGEDY 

WITH FULL DETAILS OF THE 

CAPTURE, TRIAL, AND EXECUTION OF THE INVADERS, 

AND OF ALL THE INCIDENTS CONNECTED THEREWITH. 

WITH A LITHOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT OF CAPT. JOHN BROWN, 

FKOM A PHOTOGKAPH BY WHIPPLE. 

Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends. — John 15 : 13. 

Had I interfered in the manner which I admit — and which I admit has been fairly proved — 
in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their 
friends, either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that class, and suffered 
and sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have been all right, and every man in this 
Court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. 

John Brown's Address to the Court. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY JAMES CAMPBELL. 

FOR SALE BY J. J. DYER & CO., A. WILLIAMS & CO., FEDEEHEN & CO., 

AND BY NEWSMEN AND PERIODICAL DEALERS THROUGHOUT THE FREE STATES. 

1860. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, 

By Thomas Dkew, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



IN BXCHA^'" 
Cox-ell (Jill*. 
2JE.I305 



PREFACE. 



In the preparation of this history of the John Brown Invasion, the compiler 
has endeavored to give a faithful and connected narrative of events in the order 
of their occurrence. Noticing with what eager desire everything relating to 
the affair was sought by all classes of people, and the especial interest that was 
manifested in every circumstance that related personally to " The Hero of Har- 
per's Ferry," he has sought to combine in these pages every fact and incident 
relating to the event,, which the friends and admirers of the man would wish 
to preserve, as mementoes of the simplicity of his character, the nobility of his 
purposes, the disinterestedness of his motives, the sublime heroism of his deeds, 
and the remarkable piety by which he was governed and sustained. 

The portrait which accompanies the work is pronounced by Captain Brown's 
New England friends as the best ever taken. It is lithographed by Bufford, in 
the very best style of the art, from a photograph by "Whipple, and will be recog- 
nized by all who were familiar with the features of the original, as a faithful 
delineation of the features of him, who has so recently and so forcibly illustrated 
the lines of the poet, that 

" Whether on the scaffold high, 
Or in the battle's van, 
The fittest place for man to die 
Is where he dies for man." 

THOMAS DREW. 
Boston, Dec. 21, 1859. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 



The first newspaper accounts of the invasion of Harper's Ferry, based upon tele- 
graphic despatches and the reports of frightened and excited passengers by the cars, 
were of the most alarming character. The Baltimore Patriot, of the 17th of October, 
had the following : — 

We learn by telegraph from Frederick that a negro insurrection of a very serious 
nature had broken out at Harper's Ferry, at 10 o'clock last night ; the negroes, headed 
by some 250 whites, supposed to be Abolitionists, and that the insurgents have taken 
possession of the U. S. Arsenal, carried ofFa wagon load of rifles, and had sent them over 
into Maryland. They have also cut the telegraph wires east and west of the Ferry, 
so as to prevent communication. The information was forwarded from Frederick. . 

. . The train due at five o'clock passed the Monocacy at eight, and arrived here a 
little before twelve o'clock. We are indebted to C. W. Armstrong, Esq., of New York, 
and W. C. Warren, Esq., of Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, passengers on the 
train just in, who have kindly furnished us with the following information : 

The leader of the party called himself S. C. Anderson, and who had about 200 men, 
all armed with Minnie rifles, spears and pistols, who said he expected a reinforcement 
of 1,500 men by 7 o'clock this morning. Every avenue to the Ferry was strongly 
guarded by this banditti, and the conductor of the Eastern express, Capt. Phelps, was 
informed by Anderson that no more trains should pass. Capt. P.'s train left at six, 
having been detained five hours at the Ferry. It is true that the negro Haywood, a 
porter, was shot ; but was not killed, as stated by telegraph. Captain Phelps pursued 
the insurgents, and fired upon them twice when first assailed ; they returning the fire> 
and threatening that if he did not yield they would shoot every passenger in the 
train, and then fire the town. One of the passengers, Mr. Logan of this city, was 
arrested on the bridge and was searched for arms. Mr. Logan attributes his escape 
to saying that he was from Ohio. Aiter telling him that they were fighting for free- 
dom, he gave them to understand he was in favor of their movements, and they then 
manifested some more leniency toward him and let him off. Mr. Logan was very 
thankful to get off so easily, as he had 810,000 on his person, which was untouched. 

The passengers, especially the ladies, were greatly alarmed, and feared the party 
was a gang of robbers who intended to rob the Government Treasury, which contained 
815,000, and might also rob them. The information is that the rifles were brought 
down from the works on the Shenandoah, and the parties at the Ferry were armed 



6 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

■with theni, and the wagon which brought them down afterward drove off with out- 
riders, and it was supposed, when the train left, that they had taken off the treasure 
in the wa"-on. The band appeared to be well drilled, and Capt. Anderson had entire 
control, as his men were very obedient to his orders. 

It is thought some 100 negroes were engaged in the insurrection. We learn also 
that before the train arrived at the Ferry, about midnight, the insurgents had arrested 
all the watchmen, except an Irishman, who escaped them and gave the alarm to 
Capt. Phelps when his train came in. 

Just before this train left, Capt. Anderson mounted one of the cars and told them 
to go off quietly and quickly, and none of them should be hurt ; but there was no tell- 
in<r what would be the consequence if they prolonged their stay. They were very 
glad to hear this, and started at once. 

It appears very strange, but our informant tells us that these banded ruffians act 
with great coolness in all their movements, — having countersigns, and otherwise are 
well disciplined. No one of them was known about the Ferry, all being strangers, and 
where they came from none could tell. Capt. Anderson was about 60 years of age, 
with a heavy white beard — cool — collected, but with a determined and desperate 
demeanor. The whole thing is shrouded in mystery which we trust soon will be cleared 
up — the desperadoes captured and dealt with as then- outlawry and murderous conduct 
justly deserve. 

The Baltimore American of the 18th contained some particulars of the affair, derived 
from the statements of Conductor Phelps, Mr. Cromwell, baggage master, and Mr. 
Woolley, the engineer. The latter stated " that he took particular notice of the crowd, 
which he thinks numbered at least three hundred persons ; that among them were 
several strapping negroes, who occasionally shouted out that they longed for liberty, as 
they had been in bondage long enough. The ringleader, who is said to be named 
Anderson, made his appearance at Harper's Ferry five or six days ago, and since that 
time has been driving around the place in an elegant barouche drawn by two horses." 

Another account contains the following information : — 

The express train, in which our informant was passenger, reached Harper's Ferry 
about 1 o'clock this morning. On arriving, the clerk of the Wager House informed 
Capt. Phelps, conductor of the train, that serious trouble was existing in the town, 
and there were great apprehensions of danger. 

He stated that a large body of men had mysteriously come into town during the 
evening and night, from the surrounding country, and were about to take possession 
of the place — that they had already shot one man dead and mortally wounded 
another, both of whom were connected with the railroad company as watchman and 
baggage agent, or patrol watchman. 

Another person was ascertained to have been severely wounded, and, being missing, 
it was thought he had been thrown into the river. The insurrectionists, when they 
approached the conductor of the train, were armed with muskets, and notified him in 
the most peremptory manner that if he attempted to proceed further it would be at 
the risk of his life. 

The bridge across the Potomac was filled w r ith the insurgents, all of whom were 
armed. The conductor deemed it most prudent to remain, as he feared some terrible 
accident in attempting to cross the bridge, supposing its arches or timbers might have 
been cut. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 7 

Every light in the town had been previously extinguished by the lawless mob. The 
train, therefore, remained stationary, and the passengers, terribly affrighted, remained 
in the cars all night. 

A countryman who had come into the town with a wagon-load of wheat, was ar- 
rested by the insurgents, and pressed into their service. 

It was stated that a large number of muskets and considerable ammunition were 
found in his wagon, which they armed themselves with. It is thought this was a blind 
to procure arms, and fully understood by the outlaws as a part of their plan. 

All the streets were in possession of the mob, and every road, lane and avenue 
leading to the town guarded or barricaded by them. 

The men were seen in every quarter with muskets and bayonets. It was thought 
that there were not less than from two hundred and fifty to three hundred of the in- 
surgents. They arrested every citizen they could find, and upon threats of death 
pressed them into their service. This was done without respect to persons, including 
many negroes. 

This done, the United States Arsenal, the Government pay-house, in which, it is 
said, a large amount of money was deposited on Saturday, including, also, all the 
other public works, were taken possession of by the mob, appropriating to themselves 
arms, ammunition and other weapons of defence. 

Some were of opinion that the object was one of plunder, to rob the Government 
of the funds. A full wagon-load of guns were given from the arsenal to belligerents 
outside. 

The Captain of the outlaw band, or a person who seemed to be prime mover, was 
a middle-aged man with grey hair, beard, and mustache. His name was signed to a 
paper, or note, as Andreas, or something similar thereto. 

He assumed to be the chief of the insurrectionists, and was heard to say, in address- 
in"- the conductor, that " if you knew me and understood my motives as well as I and 
others understand them, you would not blame me so much." 

This person also announced in a bold, determined manner, that if he was inter- 
fered with or resisted, his party would instantly set fire to the town and destroy it, 
with everything therein. He likewise threatened to burn down the railroad bridge, 
and cut off all communication. 

The citizens were in a terrible state of consternation, most of them being shut up 
in their houses, and not a light to be seen in the street or anywhere around. 

The belligerents seemed to evince no actual antipathy against the railroad. What 
Government employees they could find were captured by them, and pressed into their 
service, being forced under threats to take up arms. In another speech the marauder 
chief was heard to exclaim, " If you knew my heart and history, you would not 
blame me." 

They were instantly placed in the arsenal. The insurgents exhibited indomitable 
boldness, and declare they cannot be taken captive. 

Our informant states that the consternation was intense. It was difficult to divine 
the cause of this outbreak or attack. Some are of opinion it was a bold, concerted 
scheme to rob the Government pay-house of funds believed to have been deposited 
there on Friday or Saturday previous. Others imagined it might have been a de- 
monstration of Abolitionists connected with some negro affair. 

About five or half-past five o'clock this morning the deputation of armed insurgents 
approached the conductor and gave him five minutes to start his train and cross the 
bridge. He accepted the offer and started, crossing the bridge in safety, though with 
great fears, through a dense throng of armed marauders, who had taken possession 
of it. 



8 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

When our informant left, the whole town, Government works and everything else 
were in the hands of the insurgents, who seemed to be gradually receiving reinforce- 
ments, composed of negroes and white men from the surrounding country. 

One man wa9 killed instantly ; another was found, having been shot through the 
body, and believed to be dying. A good deal of firing was heard at different sur- 
rounding points. 

The negroes were armed or given arms instantly upon being pressed into the ser- 
vice of the outlaw band. The ringleaders were desperate and determined. 

No passenger belonging to the railroad train was injured, nor did there appear to 
be any disposition on the part of the outlaws to molest them beyond detaining the 
cars. There were but few ladies on board. 

The Baltimore Exchange had the following : — 

We were informed last night that Anderson, the leader of the rioters, is a noted 
Abolitionist agent of the underground railroad. He is from Troy, N. Y., and has 
heretofore made frequent visits to Harper's Ferry. His conduct towards the black 
population on these occasions had been noticed, and involved him in suspicion. He is 
represented as a most determined and dangerous man, and one who is likely to cause 
a great deal of trouble before he will yield. The negroes rely upon him, and will im- 
plicitly obey his directions. 

Here are some specimens of the telegraphic dispatches which aroused the country 
to the alarming outbreak : 

Monocact Beidge, Oct. 17 — 11-25, P. M. 

The statements in regard to the difficulties at Harper's Ferry, which were current 
at the time of my departure from Baltimore, are fully confirmed. The baggage- 
master of the eastern bound train, this morning, was taken prisoner and carried to 
the armory, where he found 600 negroes and from 200 to 300 white men in arms. 
Nearly all the inhabitants of the town had deserted it, though some few still remained. 
A man named "William Smith, was said to be the principal leader. Simpson, the 
baggage-master, was escorted across the bridge by six armed negroes, and there 
released ; the carriage of a Mr. Washington was stopped near the Ferry, and his 
servants carried off by force. Two companies of military are now at Sandy Hook, a 
village one mile east of Harper's Ferry, where they are awaiting the arrival of the 
Baltimore troops. 

In our train, in addition to the soldiers from Baltimore, are three companies of 
marines from Washington. Col. Lee, who is in a following train, will have charge of 
the whole force, and bears with him orders to pursue and capture the insurrectionists 
wherever they can be found. 

It is impossible to describe the excitement of the people throughout the entire 
country. Rumors of every sort are flying about; among them a report that the 
insurrectionists are capturing the owners of slaves, and driving the latter into Har- 
per's Ferry, where they are immediately furnished with arms. The insurgents say 
that they are determined to free all the slaves in that section of the country, and are 
provided with spades and picks, with which they will entrench themselves and offer a 
resolute resistance. It is reported here that no less than sLx persons have been killed 
at the Ferry. Our train will proceed immediately to Sandy Hook, and, if deemed 
prudent, will push on to the scene of riot. We have information that troops have left 
Martinsburg to operate against the insurgents on the west side of the town. The 



TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. V 

bridge at Harper's Ferry forms a curve in crossing the river, and if defended with 
obstinacy, -will cause our troops considerable trouble. 

Monocacy, Oct. 17. 

The following are all the particulars that can be gathered at this point, relative to 
the outrages going on at Harper's Ferry. 

The mail train bound west, got as far as Sandy Hook, when Walter Simpson, the 
baggage-master, and Mr. Trasher, started on foot to the bridge. Simpson and 
Trasher went through, but were taken and put in prison. They went before the 
captain of the insurrectionists, and he has refused to let anything pass. All the 
eastward bound trains are lying west of the Ferry. The insurrectionists have been 
taking persons from this side of the river, tying them up, and taking off all their 
slaves. 

The mail train bound west, has returned to this station. There is said to be from 
500 to 700 whites and blacks in the outbreak. 

Frederick, Oct. 17. 

The engine and train from here have just returned, being unable to proceed 
through Harper's Ferry. 

Your correspondent has just seen a letter from a merchant of Harper's Ferry, which 
was sent by two boys over the mountain, and who had to swim the river to escape the 
insurrectionists. The letter states that almost all the leading people of Harper's 
Ferry are in jail, and that several had been killed ! 

The robbers have all the works in their possession, and have taken the money froca 
the vaults. The powder-house is in their possession, and they will not permit any one 
to leave the town. 

F. Beckham, the railroad agent, was shot twice by the gang. They are said to be 
disguised — the whites being painted as blacks. 

The attack was first made at 12 o'clock last night. The watchman at the railroad 
depot was shot dead. 

The facts of the case soon became known. Anderson, alias Smith, turned out to 
be Capt. John Brown, of Kansas, and the army of 300 to 700 negroes consisted of 
twenty-two men, all told. It appears that sixteen or seventeen of these men took 
possession of the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, while six of them went along the turn- 
pike road which leads to Charlestown, and went immediately to the residence of 
Lewis Washington, Esq., captured him, and carried him off to the Ferry. On then- 
way they also took possession of John H. Alstadt and his servants, and confined them 
also in the arsenal. Brown received the prisoners there, and told them to make them- 
selves comfortable, adding, " By and by I shall require each of you to write to one of 
your friends, to send a stout negro man in your place." Col. Washington had a sword, 
which was given to Gen. Washington by Frederick the Great. This was taken and 
carried to the armory, and Brown carried it all day on Monday until after the arrival 
of the military, telling Col. W. he should endeavor to return it to him after he was 
released. 

Among other prisoners at the armory, were Armistead Ball, master machinist, 
Albert Grist, Joseph A. Brewer, A. M. Kitzmiller, Reason Cross, John P. Danger- 
field, Mayer Mills, master-armorer, Isaac Russell, Terence Burns, and others. These 
2 



10 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

men testified on the trial of Brown, to the events which occurred on Monday. Brown 
professed to these men that his sole object was to free slaves from bondage. About 
noon, on Monday, the troops from Charlestown, under command of Col. Gibson, began 
to arrive. A portion took position on Camp Hill ; others crossed the Potomac about a 
mile west of the Ferry, marched down the Maryland side, and took possession of the 
Potomac Bridge ; others took possession of the Gait House, in the rear of the Arsenal. 
About three, P. M., other companies arrived, and Col Baylor took the command. 
These movements were not effected without severe fighting. The following account 
of a severe skirmish, is given by an eye-witness: — 

The first attack was made by a detachment of the Charlestown Guards, which 
crossed the Potomac river above Harper's Ferry, and reached a building where the 
insurgents were posted by the canal, on the Maryland side. Smart firing occurred, 
and the rioters were driven from the bridge. One man was killed here, and another 
was arrested. A man ran out, and tried to escape by swimming the river ; a dozen 
shots were fired after him ; he partially fell, but rose again, threw his gun away, and 
drew his pistols, but both snapped ; he drew his bowie-knife and cut his heavy accou- 
trements off, and plunged into the river. One of the soldiers was about ten feet 
behind ; the man turned round, threw up his hands, and said, " do n't shoot ! " The 
soldier fired, and the man fell into the water with his face blown away. His coat- 
skirts were cut from his person, and in the pockets was found a captain's commission 
to Capt. E. H. Leeman, from the Provisional Government. The commission was 
dated Oct. 15, 1859, and signed by John Brown, Commander-in-chief of the army of 
the Provisional Government of the United States. A party of five of the insurrec- 
tionists, armed with Minie rifles, and posted in the rifle Armory, were expelled by the 
Charlestown Guards. They all ran for the river, and one, who was unable to swim, 
was drowned. The other four swam out to the rocks in the middle of the Shenan- 
doah, and fired upon the citizens and troops upon both banks. This drew upon them 
the muskets of between 200 and 300 men, and not less than 400 shots were fired upon 
them from Harper's Ferry, about 200 yards distant. One was finally shot dead ; the 
second, a negro, attempted to jump over the dam, but fell shot, and was not seen 
afterward ; the third was badly wounded, and the remaining one was taken unharmed. 
The white insurgent, wounded and captured, died in a few moments after, in the arms 
of our informant ; he was shot through the breast and stomach. He declared that 
there were only nineteen whites engaged in the insurrection. For nearly an hour a 
running and random firing was kept up by the troops against the rioters. Several 
were shot down, and many managed to limp away wounded. During the firing, the 
women and children ran shrieking in every direction, but when they learned that the 
soldiers were their protectors, they took courage, and did good service in the way of 
preparing refreshments and attending the wounded. Our informant, who was on the 
hill where the firing was going on, says all the terrible scenes of a battle passed in 
reality before his eyes. Soldiers could be seen pursuing, singly and in couples, and 
the crack of a musket or rifle was generally followed by one or more of the insurgents 
biting the dust. The dead lay in the streets where they fell. The wounded were 
cared for. 

The Shepardstown troops next arrived, marching clown the Shenandoah side, and 
joining the Charlestown forces at the bridge. A desultory exchange of shots fol- 
lowed, one of which struck Mr. Fontaine Beckham, mayor of the town, and a<*ent of 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 11 

the railroad company, entering his breast, and passing entirely through his body. 
The ball was a large elongated slug, and made a dreadful wound. Mr. Beckham died 
almost immediately. He was without fire-arms, and was exposed for only a moment 
while approaching a water-station. His assailant, one of Brown's sons, was shot almost 
immediately, but managed to get back to the engine-house, where his body was found 
next day. 

The death of Mi*. Beckham greatly excited the populace, who immediately raised 
the cry to bring out the prisoner, Thompson. He was brought out on the bridge, and 
there shot down. He fell into the water, and some appearance of Ufe still remaining, 
he was riddled with balls. 



RESCUE OF PRISONERS. 

"While this was going on, the Martinsburg levies arrived at the upper end of the 
town, and entering the Armory grounds by the rear, made an attack from that side. 
This force was largely composed of railroad employees, gathered from the tonnage 
trains at Martinsburg, and their attack was generally spoken of as showing the great- 
est amount of fighting pluck exhibited during the day. Dashing on, firing and 
cheering, and led by Capt. Alburtis, they carried the building in which the Armory 
men were imprisoned, and released the whole of them. They were, however, but 
poorly armed, some with pistols and others with shot-guns ; and when they came 
within range of the engine-house, where the elite of the insurrectionists were gathered, 
and were exposed to the rapid and dexterous use of Sharpe's rifles, they were forced 
to fall back, suffering pretty severely. Conductor Evans Dorsey, of Baltimore, was 
killed instantly, and Conductor George Richardson received a wound, from which 
he died during the day. Several others were wounded, among them a son of Dr. 
Hammond, of Martinsburg. 



OTHER INCIDENTS OF THE DAT. 

A guerrilla warfare was maintained during the rest of the day, resulting in the 
killing of two of the insurrectionists, and the wounding of a third. One crawled out 
through a culvert leading into the Potomac, and attempted to cross to the Maryland 
side. He was shot while crossing the river, and fell dead on the rocks. A light 
mulatto was shot just outside the Armory gate. The ball went through the throat, 
tearing away the principal arteries, and killing him instantly. His name is not known, 
but he is one of the free negroes who came with Brown. His body was left in the 
street until noon, exposed to every indignity that could be heaped upon it by the 
excited populace. 

At this time, a tall, powerful man, named Aaron Stephens, came out from the 
Armory, conducting some prisoners, it was said. He was twice shot — once in the side, 
once in the breast. He was then captured and taken to a tavern, and after the insur- 
rection was quelled, was turned over to the United States authorities in a precarious 
condition. During the afternoon a sharp little affair took place on the Shenandoah 
side of the town. The insurrectionists had also seized Hall's rifle works, and a party 
of their assailants found their way in through a mill-race and dislodged them. 

In this encounter, it was said, three insurrectionists were killed, but only one dead 
body was found, that of a negro, on that side of the town. Night by this time had set 
in, and operations ceased. 



12 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

The next day Brown's stronghold was assaulted by the U. S. Marines, and the war 
was put an end to. The following is the best account we have found of this event :— 

THE ATTACK ON THE ARMORY. 

From the Baltimore Exchange, October 19. 

Firing was kept up during the afternoon between the insurgents and the people, but 
night closed in without any other persons being shot. During the evening and night 
several of the citizens and Col. Shriver visited the engine house under flags of truce, 
and conferred with Brown, for the purpose of inducing him to capitulate ; but he would 
listen to no terms except that he and his men should be allowed a free and protected 
pass to the mountains. This the citizens refused to grant, and Brown assured them 
he would die fighting. At 12 o'clock, Col. Shriver visited Brown and offered him 
protection from the wrath of the people, and safe conduct to jail ; but he scornfully 
refused it, saying he knew his men, and he preferred meeting it with his rifle in his 
hands to dying for the amusement of a crowd. 

Before daybreak the U. S. Marines, Major Russell in immediate command, were 
marched into the Armory yard and positions assigned them, where they remained until 
daylight. The Maryland troops also crossed the bridge, and took positions on the dif- 
ferent streets, together with the other military, U. S. Marines, Col. Lee in command. At 
7 o'clock the streets were cleai-ed of all persons except the military, and Lieut. Stewart, 
IT. S. Dragoons, accompanied by Col. Samuel Strider of Harper's Ferry, bearing a 
flag of truce, went to the engine-house. They were received by Brown, who partially 
opened the door. Lieut. Stewart set forth in plain language the folly of further re- 
sistance, — the certainty of their capture either alive or dead, — and assured them of the 
protection of the U. S. Marines against any acts of violence which might be attempted 
by the people. 

Brown was fixed and determined ; he had drilled loopholes through the wall, to 
strengthen his defence ; he would listen to nothing except a safe escort to the moun- 
tains. His men had wavered and were in favor of capitulating, but he would not allow 
such a step. After much fruitless exertion on the part of Lieut. Stewart, he left Brown. 
A squad of sixteen marines were stationed in line just below the engine-house, two of 
whom carried large sledges, and the rest Minie muskets. Further on were stationed 
another squad of the same number. Major Russell was commanding, and the flag of 
truce had but fairly left, when the order was given for the attack. The first named 
squad advanced, and the two marines dealt repeated heavy blows against the door 
without effect, when they were ordered to stand aside, and the other squad was order- 
ed to take a very heavy ladder and use it as a ram to burst the door. In an instant their 
muskets were laid down, and taking hold of the ladder, at a distance of twenty-five 
yards from the door, they started at a full run and struck the door. It partially yielded 
to the shock. The marines retreated and gave a second blow, when two of the boards 
of tlio door yielded. A third blow shivered the door, and the order was given to enter. 
Major Russell, in the most cool and gallant manner, entered first, without weapons, 
with his right arm raised, demanding a surrender. A shot was fired at this moment 
by one of the insurgents, and the ball struck a marine named Quinn in the abdomen 
and passed throxigh his body. He died of the wound. Another shot struck a marine 
named Luckins in the mouth, not seriously wounding him. The engine-house contained 
two fire-engines and a hose-carriage, which incommoded the marines greatly on enter- 
ing. The citizens who were prisoners separated from the insurgents and were recog- 
nized by the marines, and none were injured. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 13 

After the Marines entered they were eompeled to fire at the rebels. A son of Brown 
was killed — a ball passing through his body near the left nipple. J. P. Andersen was 
shot in the abdomen, and mortally wounded. Old Brown was cut to the floor by the 
sabre of Lieut. Green, of the Marines, who acted in a fearless manner. An insurgent 
named Edward Coppie, one of Brown's sons, who had been seriously wounded during 
Monday, and a negro named Gains, were taken prisoners. Two dead bodies were 
lying in the engine-house, one of which was that of James Hazlitt, of Ohio, and the 
other that of J. G. Johnson, of Connecticut. When the released citizens walked out 
of their prison they were hailed with most deafening cheers, and some of them expressed 
their gratitude for their deliverance by clasping the Marines in their arms. Lewis 
Washington was the last to show himself, and when he did the mountain sides rever- 
berated with the shouts of the multitude, who had thronged the railroad platform, 
crowded the windows of all the houses in the vicinity and filled the different streets. 

When the Marines brought out their prisoners an immense cry of " Hang them ' 
filled the air, and young men with rifles jumped from the walls and the bridge into the 
Armory yard, and were pressing to where they were fully intent on killing them ; but 
the Marines were ordered to protect them, and drive back those who were eager for 
their blood. The bodies of the dead and dying men were brought out and laid on the 
grass, and it was impossible to keep the crowd back. Capt. Brown told the crowd not 
to maltreat him, that he was dying, and that he would soon be beyond all injury. 
Major Russell had him conveyed into a room of one of the Departments, and kindly 
ordered all attention to be paid him. Brown looked up and, recognizing Major Russell, 
said, " You entered first. I could have killed you ; but I spared you." In reply to 
which the Major bowed and said, " I thank you." 

Major Russell kindly admited me to the room where Brown was lying, and I held 
the following conversation with him. I asked : 

" What is your name — where were you born, and how old are you ? " 

" My name is John Brown. I am well known. I have been known as Old Brown 
of Kansas. I'm from Litchfield County, Connecticut, and have lived in divers places. 
Two of my sons were killed here to-day, and I'm dying too. I came here to liberate 
slaves, and was to receive no reward. I have acted from a sense of duty, and am con- 
tent to await my fate ; but I think the crowd have treated me badly. I'm an old man, 
and yesterday I could have killed whom I chose ; but I had no desire to kill any per- 
son, and would not have killed a man had they not tried to kill me and my men. I 
could have sacked and burned the town, but did not \ I have treated the persons whom 
I took as hostages kindly, and I appeal to them for the truth of what I say. I am 
63 years old." 

Reporter — " When did you first conceive this move ? " 

Brown — " While in Kansas. After my property was destroyed, one of my sons killed, 
and my happiness destroyed by the slave party of Kansas, I determined to be revenged. 
I also was moved in this matter by a hope to benefit the negroes." 

Reporter — " Where did you get all your rifles and the pikes which are here ? "Who 
furnished you with them ? " 

Brown — " My own money. I did not receive aid from any man. Cook is not a son 
of mine. If I had succeeded in running off slaves this time, I could have raised twenty 
times as many men as I have now, for a similar expedition. But I have failed. I did 
not intend to stay here so long ; but they (the citizens) deceived me by proposing 
compromises which they had no intention of carrying out. I am not in any man's 
employ." 

Brown complained that the crowd who were clamerous for his blood were treating 



14 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

him unkindly and unfairly, after the kindness and leniency he had thown the citizens 
and the town. He also said that he was fully convinced that he Avas dying in a right- 
eous cause. The sum of $480 was found on his person, which was placed with the 
Paymaster for safe keeping. 

CAPT. BROWN'S FIRST STATEMENTS. 

A short time after Captain Brown was brought out he revived and talked earnestly 
to those about him, defending his course and avowing that he had done only what was 
ri<dit. He replied to questions substantially as follows : " Are you Captain Brown, 
of Kansas ? " "I am sometimes called so." " Are you Ossawatomie Brown ? " " I 
tried to do my duty there." " What was your present object ? " " To free the slaves 
from bondage." " Were any other persons but those with you now, connected with 
the movement ? " " No. 5 * " Did you expect aid from the North ? " " No ; there 
was no one connected with the movement but those who came with me." " Did you 
expect to kill people in order to carry your point ? " "I did not wish to do so, but you 
force us to it." Various questions of this kind were put to Captain Brown, which he 
answered clearly and freely, with seeming anxiety to vindicate himself. 

He urged that he had the town at his mercy ; that he could have burned it and 
murdered the inhabitants, but did not ; he had treated the prisoners with courtesy, 
and complained that he was hunted down like a beast. He spoke of the killing of 
his son, which he alleged was done while bearing a flag of truce, and seemed very 
anxious for the safety of his wounded son. His conversation bore the impression of 
the conviction that whatever he had done to free slaves was right, and that in the 
warfare in which he was engaged he was entitled to be treated with all the respect of 
a prisoner of war. 

He seemed fully covinced that he was badly treated, and had a right to complain. 
Although at first considered dying, an examination of his wounds proved that they 
were not necessarily fatal. He expressed a desire to live and to be tried by his 
country. In his pockets nearly $300 were found in gold. Several important papers, 
found in his possession, were taken charge of by Col. Lee, on behalf of the Govern- 
ment. To another, Brown said it was no part of his purpose to seize the public arms. 
He had arms and ammunition enough reshipped from Kansas. He only intended to 
make the first demonstration at this point, when he expected to receive a rapid in- 
crease of the allies from Abolitionists everywhere settled through Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, sufficient to take possession of both States, with all of the negroes they could 
capture. He did not expect to encounter the Federal troops. He had only a general 
idea as to his course ; it was to be a general southwest course through Virginia, vary- 
ing as circumstances dictated or required. Mr. Washington reports that Brown was 
remarkably cool during the assault. He fell under two bayonet wounds — one in the 
groin, and one in the breast, and four sabre cuts on the head. During the fight he 
was supposed to be dead, or doubtless he would have been shot. He was not tourhed 
by a ball. The prisoners also state that Brown was courteous to them, and did not ill— 
use them, and made no abolition speech to them. Coppie, one of the prisoners, said 
he did not want to join the expedition, but added : " Ah, you gentlemen don't know 
Capt. Brown ; when he calls for us we never think of refusing to come." 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 15 

THE MURDER OF THOMPSON. 

The following account of the murder of the prisoner Thompson, was given at the 
trial by Mr. Hunter, one of the witnesses : — 

After Mr. Beckham, who was my grand-uncle, was shot, I was much exasperated, 
and started with Mr. Chambers to the room where the second Thompson was con- 
fined, with the purpose of shooting him. We found several persons in the room, and 
had levelled our guns at him, when Mrs. Foulke's sister threw herself before him, and 
begged us to leave him to the laws. We then caught hold of him, and draped him 
out by the throat, he saying : " Though you may take my life, 80,000,000, will arise 
up to avenge me, and carry out my purpose of giving liberty to the slaves." We 
carried him out to the bridge, and two of us, levelling our guns in this moment of wild 
exasperation, fired, and before he fell, a dozen or more balls were buried in him ; we 
then threw his body off the tressel work, and returned to the bridge to bring out 
the prisoner Stephens, and serve him in the same way ; we found him suffering from 
his wounds, and probably dying ; we concluded to spare him, and start after others, 
and shoot all we could find. I had just seen my loved uncle and best friend I ever 
had, shot down by those villainous Abolitionists, and felt justified in shooting any that 
I could find ; I felt it my duty, and I have no regrets. 

TnE KILLED. 

Brown lost two sons, Watson and Oliver Brown. The other persons killed on his 
side were Albert Hazlitt, of Pennsylvania, William Leeman, of Maine, Stewart Tay- 
lor, of Canada, Charles P. Tidd, of Maine, William Thompson, of New York, Adolph 
Thompson, of New York, John Kagi, of Ohio, Jeremiah Anderson, of Indiana, Dan- 
gerfield and Leary, negroes. 

MUNITIONS OF WAR AND STORES. 

On the day after the arrest of the invaders, a detachment of marines and some vol- 
unteers made a visit to Brown's house, in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry, where they 
found the following articles, viz. : — 102 Sharpe's rifles; 102 Massachusetts Arms Com- 
pany's pistols ; 56 Massachusett3 Arms Company's powder flasks ; 4 large powder 
flasks; 1 kegs gunpowder ; 23,000 percussion rifle caps; 100,000 percussion pistol 
caps ; 1,300 ball cartridges for Sharpe's rifles, some slightly damaged by water; 160 
boxes Sharpe's primers ; 14 lbs. lead balls ; 1 old percussion pistol ; 1 Major General's 
sword; 55 old bayonets ; 12 old artillery swords; 483 standard spears; 150 broken 
handles for spears; 16 picks; 40 shovels, [the railroad way bill called for seven 
dozen, showing that more were to come] ; 1 tin powder case ; 1,500 pikes ; together 
with a large quantity of stationery, clothing, etc. They also discovered a carpet-bag, 
containing documents throwing much light on the affair, printed constitutions and 
by-laws of an organization, showing or indicating ramifications in various States of 
the Union. 



16 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 



GOVERNOR WISE'S SPEECH. 

On his return to Richmond, Gov. Wise delivered an address to the Virginia soldiers 
worthy of Cajsar. We make some extracts from it, merely to give an idea of how a 
Governor feels after a victory. To commence with, is the following specimen of 

high-falutin: 

As telegraph upon telegraph met us on the way, that the fighting was still going 
on, informing us of the danger of the prisoners held as hostages by the marauders, 
and of the deaths in the assaults by the troops, your countenances were bright with 
the cheerfulness that you would be there in the imminent breach. No man turned 
pale, no cheek blanched ; no face was blank, until, within a few miles of the scene, 
we learned that victory was won without the aid of your right arms. The brightness 
of your looks faded not until we found, when we got there, we were to look only up- 
on the dead, the dying, and the wounded. On the way I reminded you that you 
were already known at home in the character of gentlemen, and that you were called 
on to win the character of soldiers. That character you have won. (Applause.) 

"SOMEBODY," NOT VIRGINIA, DISGRACED. 

What had happened ? What summoned them to shoulder muskets and snatch 
weapons as they could ? What had disturbed their peace ? What threatened their 
safety and to sully their honor ? Alas ! to the disgrace of the nation, not of Virginia 
— I repel all imputation upon her — hut to the disgrace of somebody, fourteen white 
ruffians and five negroes had been permitted to take the United States arsenal, with 
all its arms and treasure, and to hold it for twenty-four hours, at that Thermopylae of 
America, Harper's Ferry — on the confines of two slave States, with the avowed ob- 
ject of emancipating their slaves at every hazard, and the very perpetration of the 
seizure and the imprisonment of the inhabitants, and of robbery and murder and 
treason ! 

DIDN'T CARE FOR HIS RIGHT ARM. 

On Monday night that gallant and noble Virginia Colonel, Robert Lee, worthy of 
any service on earth, arrived with his regular corps of marines. He waited only for 
light. They tendered the assault, in State pride, to the Virginia volunteers who were 
there. Their feelings for the prisoners made them decline the risk of slaying their own 
friends, and Lee could not delay a moment to retake the arsenal, punish the impudent 
invaders, and release the prisoners at the necessary risk of their own lives. His gal- 
lantry was mortified that the task was so easy. He saw a United States armory in the 
possession of bandits, from the superintendence of which his profession had been eject- 
ed ; and he felt that the regular army and his native State were alike dishonored. 
With mortification and chagrin inexpressible, he picked twelve marines and took the 
engine-house in ten minutes, with the loss of one marine killed and one wounded, with- 
out hurting a hair of one of the prisoners. And now I say to you, that I would have 
given my right arm to its shoulder for that feat to have been performed by the volunteers of 
Virginia on Monday before the marines arrived there. (Loud applause.) 

GEORGE WASHINGTON WOULD HAVE CAUGHT IT. 

The prisoners were the walls of the marauders — stronger, with our volunteers, than 
brick and mortar. They loved Washington, and Alstadt, and Mills, and other prison- 
ers, and would n't risk their lives. This was wrong ; but natural, and not cowardly. 



TIIE JOIIN BKOITN INVASION. 17 

I chided them for their mistake, and told them that had I arrived there in time, I -would 
have stormed the stronghold in the shortest possible time ; and that if General George 
Washington had been one of the prisoners, and even Ins life had been imperiled by the 
attack, it should not have been delayed five minutes. (Loud applause.) The lives 
outside, in this case, were as precious as the lives inside of the prison ; and to prove 
that it was not inhumanity to risk the lives of prisoners, I would have gladly risked my 
own life to rescue them, at every hazard of their lives and my own. (Tremendous 
applause.) Such was my sense of degradation at allowing these marauders to hold 
that arsenal, with its prisoners, for five minutes, I would not have parleyed with them 
a moment, — I would have ordered the attack and led it. (Tremendous applause.) 
I would proudly have risked my life to have gotten my guard there in time, and to 
have taken the place with our own Virginia boys. (Applause.) I was ready to weep 
when I found the whole force overcome was only some twelve or fifteen men, and the 
Virginia volunteers had not captured them before Colonel Lee arrived. 

TIIE CONSOLATION. 

No negroes rose up to seize the arms he had captured. The negroes he had cap- 
tured, as soon as they crossed the river with Cook and got out of his wagon, ran bark 
in trepidation to their masters. All of Mr. Alstadt's returned, and all of Mr. Wash- 
ington's but one — his carriage-driver's body, the one who drove wagons into town 
when his master was made prisoner, was found drowned, on Wednesday mornino-, in 
the Potomac. And this is the only consolation which I have to offer you in this disgrace, 
that the faithful slaves refused to take up arms against their masters ; and those who 
were taken by force from their happy homes, deserted their liberators as soon as they 
could dare to make the attempt. (Applause.) Not a slave around was found faithless, 
and not one will have lost his life except the one of excellent character who was shot 
by Crown's party on the bridge, and except the servant of Colonel Washington whose 
body was found in the river, and whom Cook may have shot in his attempt to escape 
from him. Brown was not mad ; but he was misinformed as to the temper and dispo- 
sition of our slaves. He ought to have known that all the slaves on our northern borders 
are held, as it were, by sufferance — their own sufferance — that they can run to libe- 
rators in Pennsylvania easier than liberators can come to their emancipation. He was 
ignorant, it seems, of the patriarchal relations in which our slaves are everywhere held 
by their masters, and what bonds of affection and common interest exist between them 
and their masters. 

OLD BROWN NOT A MADMAN. 

And they are themselves mistaken who take him to be a madman. He is a Lunelle 
of the best nerves I ever saw cut and thrust and bleeding and in bonds. He is a man of 
clear head, of courage, fortitude, and simple ingenuousness. He is cool, collected, and in- 
domitable ; and it is but just to him to sag that he was humane to his prisoners, as attested 
to me bg Colonel Washington and Mr. Mills, and he inspired me with great trust in his 
integrity as a man of truth. He is a fanatic, vain, and garrulous ; but firm, truthful, 
and intelligent. His men, too, who survive, except the free negroes with him, arc like 
him. He professes to be a Christian in communion with the Congregationalist Church 
of the North, and openly preaches his purpose of universal emancipation, and the 
negroes themselves were to be the agents, by means of arms, led on by white com- 
manders And Colonel Washington says that he (Brown) was the coolest 

and firmest man he ever saw in defying danger and death. With one son dead by his 
side, and another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son with one hand and 
held his rifle with the other, and commanded his men with the utmost composure, en- 
couraging them to be firm and to sell their lives as dearly as they could. 



18 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

GERRIT SMITH — NO LYNCH LAW 

Among other papers I found a letter of credit from one of the banks in the State of 
New York, informing Brown that Gerrit Smith had placed to his (Brown's) credit $100. 
That is now in the possession of the Assistant Prosecuting Attorney at Charlestown. It 
would not become me to counsel or countenance any one in doing to Gerrit Smith 
what Stephens and his party did to Colonel Washington — take him out of his bed at 
nio-ht and smuggle him off from home ; but if any one should bring him to me, by fair 
or foul means, I will read him a moral lecture and send him back to his home if inno- 
cent, or secure him a fair and impartial trial if guilty cf aiding and abetting these mur- 
ders, robberies and treason. (Laughter and applause.) I remained in Harper's Ferry 
and went to Charlestown to protect the prisoners we now have in custody against 
" Lynch law," determined as I am that the laws shall reign whilst I am chief magistrate 
of this commonwealth. (Loud applause.) Our people were incensed beyond expm 
sion ; but they felt, as I do, that it would be disgraceful and cowardly to murder their 
prisoners, after failing to take them for twenty-four hours. (Applause.) They were 
securely guarded and safely lodged in the Charlestown jail, to be tried in the Virginia 
6Curt, under Virginia laws. 

VIRGINIA, TO ARMS! 

Under these circumstances, the last thing I did on Thursday morning was to organ- 
ize a volunteer police guard on the Virginia border around the confines of the ground 
ceded for the arsenal ; and I mean to inform the President of the United States that 
this guard will incidentally protect the arsenal and property of the United States un- 
til ne shall make a permanent and safe provision for protection. (Applause.) I 
armed this guard with part of the rifles captured from Brown. And I shall go on 
arming and supplying ammunition to our frontiers until every neighborhood where 
there are slaves has the means of self-defence. Virginia and the other slavchold- 
ing States must rely on themselves. This is a severe lesson, and we must profit at 
once by its teachings. It urges upon us stronger than proclamations, the necessity 
for the thorough organization, arming and drilling of our militia. I shall implore the 
people to organize and take arms in their hands and to practise the use of arms, and 
I will cause depots to be established for fixed ammunition along our borders and at 
every assailable point. As for myself, I have manifested only my devotion to the du- 
ty of protecting the honor of the State of Virginia, and the safety of the lives and 
property of her people. I regret that it has been my fortune to do so little. (Ap- 
plause.) But I thank you, gentlemen, one and all, for this compliment, as I more than 
thank you again for your gallant and noble services. 

A CONVERSATION WITH BPOWN. 

A correspondent of the New York Herald visited Harper's Ferry on the ISth and 
19th of October, and was present at an interview between Senator Mason, Congress- 
man Vallandigham, and the prisoner, Brown. He writes as follows : — 

Harper's Ferrt, Oct. 10, 1850. 

" Old Brown," or " Ossawatomie Brown," as he is often called, the hero of a dozen 
fights or so with the " border ruffians " of Missouri, in the days of " bleeding Kan- 
sas," is the head and front of this offending — the commander of the filibuster army. 
His wounds, which at first were supposed to be mortal, turn out to be mere flesh- 
wounds and scratches, not dangerous in their character. He has been removed, to- 
gether with Stephens, the other wounded prisoner, from the engine-room to the office 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 19 

of the Armory, and they now lie on the floor, upon miserable shake-downs, covered 
with some old bedding. 

Brown is fifty-five years of age, rather small-sized, with keen and restless grey eyes, 
and a grizzly beard and hair. He is a wiry, active man, and, should the slightest 
chance for an escape be afforded, there is no doubt that he will yet give his captors 
much trouble. His hair is matted and tangled, and his face, hands, and clothes, all 
smouched and smeared with blood. Colonel Lee stated that he would exclude all 
visitors from the room if the wounded men were annoyed or pained by them, but 
Brown said he was by no means annoyed ; on the contrary, he was glad to be able to 
make himself and his motives clearly understood. He converses freely, fluently and 
cheerfully, without the slightest manifestation of fear or uneasiness, evidently weigh- 
ing well his words, and possessing a good command of language. His manner is 
courteous and affable, and he appears to make a favorable impression upon his audi- 
tory, which, during most of the day yesterday, averaged about ten or a dozen men. 

When I arrived in the Armory, shortly after two o'clock in the afternoon, Brown 
was answering questions put to him by Senator Mason, who had just arrived from his 
residence at Winchester, thirty miles distant, Col. Faulkner, member of Congress, 
who lives but a few miles off Mr. Vallandigham, member of Congress of Ohio, and 
several other distinguished gentlemen. The following is a verbatim report of the con- 
versation : 

Mr. Mason — Can you tell us, at least, who furnished money for your expedition ? 

Mr. Brown — I furnished most of it myself. I cannot implicate others. It is by my 
own folly that I have been taken. I could easily have saved myself from it had I ex- 
ercised my own better judgment, rather than yielded to my feelings. 

Mr. Mason — You mean if you had escaped immediately ? 

Mr. Brown — No ; I had the means to make myself secure without any escape, but 
I allowed myself to be surrounded by a force by being too tardy. 

Mr. Mason — Tardy in getting away ? 

Mr. Brown — I should have gone away, but I had thirty odd prisoners, whose wives 
and daughters were in tears for their safety, and I felt for them. Besides, I wanted to 
allay the fears of those who believed we came here to burn and kill. For this reason 
I allowed the train to cross the bridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. I 
did it only to spare the feelings of those passengers and their families, and to allay the 
apprehensions that you had got here in your vicinity, of a band of men who had no 
regard for life and property, nor any feeling of humanity. 

Mr. Mason — But you killed seme people passing along the street quietly. 

Mr. Brown — Well, sir, if there was anything of that kind done, it was without my 
knowledge. Your own citizens, who were my prisoners, will tell you that every pos- 
sible means were taken to prevent it. I did not allow my men to fire, nor even to 
return a fire, when there was danger of killing those we regarded as innocent persons, 
if I could help it. They will tell you that we allowed ourselves to be fired at repeat- 
edly, and did not return it. 

A Bystander — That is not so. You killed an unarmed man at the corner of the 
house over there, (at the watei'-tank,) and another besides. 

Mr. Brown — Sec here, my friend, it is useless to dispute or contradict the report 
of your own neighbors who were my prisoners. 

Mr. Mason — If you would tell us who sent you here — who provided the means — 
that would be information of some value. 

Mr. Brown — I will answer freely and faithfully about what concerns myself — I 
will answer anything I can with honor, but not about others. 



20 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

Mr. Vallandigham, (member of Congress from Ohio, who had just entered,) — Mr. 
Brown, who sent you here. 

Mr. Brown — No man sent me here ; it was my own prompting and that of my 
Maker, or that of the devil, whichever you please to ascribe it to. I acknowledge no 
man in human form. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Did you get up the expedition yourself? 

Mr. Brown — I did. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Did you get up this document that is called a constitution? 

Mr. Brown — I did. They arc a constitution and ordinance of my own contriving 
and getting up. 

Mr. Vallandigham — How long have you been engaged in this business? 

Mr. Brown — From the breaking of the difficulties in Kansas. Four of my sons 
had gone there to settle, and they induced me to go. I did not go there to settle, but 
because of the difficulties. 

Mr. Mason — How many are engaged with you in this movement ? I ask those 
questions for our own safety. 

Mr. Brown — Any questions that I can honorably answer, I will, not otherwise. 
So far as I am myself concerned, I have told everything truthfully. I value my word, 
sir. 

Mr. Mason — What was your object in coming? 

Mr. Brown — We came to free the slaves, and only that. 

A young man (in the uniform of a volunteer company) — How many men in all 
had you ? 

Mr. Brown — I came to Virginia with eighteen men only, besides myself. 

Volunteer — What in the world did you suppose you could do here in Virginia with 
that amount of men ? 

Mr. Brown — Young man, I do n't wish to discuss that question here. 

Volunteer — You could not do anything. 

Mr. Brown — Well, perhaps your ideas and mine on military subjects would differ 
materially. 

Mr. Mason — How do you justify your acts ? 

Mr. Brown — I think, my friend, you are guilty of a great wrong against God and 
humanity — I say it without wishing to be offensive — and it would be perfectly right 
in any one to interfere with you so far as to free those you willfully and wickedly hold 
in bondage. I do not say this insultingly. 

Mr. Mason — I understand that. 

Mr. Brown — I think I did right, and that others will do right who interfere with 
you at any time and all times. I hold that the golden rule, " Do unto others as you 
would that others should do unto you," applies to all who would help others to gain 
their liberty. 

Lieut. Stewart — But you don't believe in the Bible. 

Mr. Brown — Certainly I do. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Where did your men come from? Did some of them come 
from Ohio? 

Mr. Brown — Some of them. 

Mr. Vallandigham — From the Western Reserve? None came from Southern 
Ohio? 

Mr. Brown — Yes, I believe one came from below Steubenville, down not far from 
Wheeling. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Have you been in Ohio this summer? 



THE JOHN BKOWN INVASION. 21 

Mr. Brown — Yes, sir. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — How lately? 

Mr. Brown — I passed through to Pittsburg on my way, in June. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Were you at any county or State fair there ? 

Mr. Brown — I was not — not since June. 

Mr. Mason — Did you consider t'.iis a military organization, in this paper (the Con- 
stitution) ? I have not yet read it. 

Mr. Brown — I did in some sense. I wish you would give that paper close 
attention. 

Mr. Mason — You considered yourself the commander-in-chief of these "provis- 
ional " military forces. 

Mr. Brown — I was chosen agreeably to the ordinance of a certain document, com- 
mander-in-cliief of that force. 

Mr. Mason — What wages did you offer? 

Mr. Brown — None. 

Lieut. Stewart — " The wages of sin is death." 

Mr. Brown — I would not have made such a remark to you, if you had been a 
prisoner, and wounded, in my hands. 

A Bystander — Did you not promise a negro in Gettysburg, twenty dollars a month? 

Mr. Brown — I did not. 

Bystander — He says you did. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Were you ever in Dayton, Ohio? 

Mr. Brown — Yes, I must have been. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — This summer ? 

Mi*. Brown — No ; a year or two since. 

Mr. Mason — Does this talking annoy you ? 

Mr. Brown — Not the least. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Have you lived long in Ohio ? 

Mr. Brown — I went there in 1S50; I lived in Summit County, which was then 
Trumbull County; my native place is in York State; my father hved there till his 
death, in 1S05. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Do you recollect a man in Ohio, named Brown, a noted coun- 
terfeiter. 

Mr. Brown — I do; I knew him from a boy. His father was Henry Brown ; they 
were of Irish or Scotch descent, and he had a brother also engaged in that business. 
When boys, they could not read nor write ; they were of a very low family. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Have you been in Portage County lately ? 

Mr. Brown — I was there in June last. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — When in Cleveland, did you attend the Fugitive Slave Law 
Convention there ? 

Mr. Brown — No ; I was there about the time of the sitting of the court to try the 
Oberlin rescuers. I spoke there publicly on that subject. I spoke on the Fugitive 
Slave Law, and my own rescue. Of course, so far as I had any influence at all, I 
was disposed to justify the Oberlin people for rescuing the slave, because I have 
myself forcibly taken slaves from bondage. I was concerned in taking eleven slaves 
from Missouri to Canada last winter. I think I spoke in Cleveland before the Con- 
vention. I do not know that I had any conversation with any of the Oberlin rescuers. 
I was sick part of the time I was in Ohio, with the ague. I was part of the time in 
Ashtabula County. 

Mr. Vallandigliam — Did you see anything of Joshua R. Giddings there ? 



22 THE JOHN BE OWN INVASION. 

Mr. Brown — I did meet him ? 

Mr. Vallandigham — Did you converse with him? 

Mr. Brown — I did. I would not tell you, of course, anything that would implicate 
Mr. Giddings ; but I certainly met with him and had conversation with him. 

Mr. Yallandigham — About that rescue case? 

Mr. Brown — Yes, I did. I heard him express his opinions upon it very freely and 
frankly. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Justifying it ? 

Mr. Brown — Yes, sir; I do not compromise him certainly in saying that. 

A Bystander — Did you go out to Kansas under the auspices of the Emigrant Aid 
Society ? 

Mr. Brown — No, sir; I went out under the auspices of John Brown, and nobody 
else. 

Mr. Yallandigham — Will you answer this: Did you talk with Giddings about your 
expedition here ? 

Mr. Brown — No, I won't answer that ; because a denial of it I would not make, 
and to make any affirmation of it I should be a great dunce. 

Mr. Yallandigham — Have you had any correspondence with parties at the North 
on the subject of this movement ? 

Mr. Brown — I have had correspondence. 

A Bystander — Do you consider this a religious movement ? 

Mr. Brown — It is, in my opinion, the greatest service a man can render to God. 

Bystander — Do you consider yourself an instrument in the hands of Providence ? 

Mr. Brown — I do. 

Bystander — Upon what principle do you justify your acts? 

Mr. Brown — Upon the golden rule. I pity the poor in bondage that have none to 
help them ; that is why I am here ; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge or 
vindictive spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed and the wronged, that are as 
good as you and as precious in the sight of God. 

Bystander — Certainly. But why take the slaves against their will ? 

Mr. Brown — I never did. 

Bystander — You did in one instance, at least. 

Stephens, the other wounded prisoner, here said, in a firm, clear voice — "You are 
right. In one case, I know the negro wanted to go back." 

A Bystander — Where did you come from ? 

Mr. Stephens — I lived in Ashtabula county, Ohio. 

Mr. Vallandigham — How recently did you leave Ashtabula county ? 

Mr. Stephens — Some months ago. I never resided there any length of time ; have 
b sea through there. 

Mr. Yallandigham — How far did you live from Jefferson ? 

Mr. Brown — Be cautious, Stephens, about any answers that would commit any 
friend. I would not answer that. 

Stephens turned partially over, with a groan of pain, and was silent. 

Mr. Yallandigham (to Mr. Brown) — Who are your advisers in this movement ? 

Mr. Brown — I cannot answer that. I have numerous sympathizers throughout the 
on', ire North. 

Mr. Vallandigham — In Northern Ohio? 

Mr. Brown — No more there than any where else ; in all the free States. 

Mr. Vallandigham — But you arc not personally acquainted in southern Ohio ? 
Mr. Brown — Not very much. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 23 

Mr. Vallandigham (to Stephens) — "Were you at the Convention last June ? 

Stephens — I was. 

Mr. Vallandigham (to Brown) — You made a speech there ? 

Mr. Brown — I did. 

A Bystander — Did you ever live in Washington city ? 

Mr. Brown — I did not. I want you to understand, gentlemen — and (to the 
reporter of the " Herald") you may report that — I want you to understand that I 
respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of colored people, oppressed by the slave 
system, just as much as 1 do those of the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea 
that has moved me, and that alone. We expect no reward, except the satisfaction of 
endeavoring to do for those in distress and greatly oppressed, as we would be done by. 
The cry of distress of the oppressed is my reason, and the only thing that prompted 
me to come here. 

A Bystander — Why did you do it secretly ? 

Mr. Brown — Because I thought that necessary to success ; no other reason. 

Bystander — And you think that honorable ? Have you read Gerritt Smith's last 
letter ? 

Mr. Brown — What letter do you mean ? 

Bystander — The "New York Herald" of yesterday, in speaking of this affair, men- 
tions a letter in this way :— " Apropos of this exciting news, we recollect a very signifi- 
cant passage in one of Gerritt Smith's letters, published a month or two ago, in which 
he speaks of the folly of trying to strike the shackles off" the slaves by the force of moral 
suasion or legal agitation, and predicts that the next movement made in the direction 
of ncn-o emancipation would be an insurrection in the South." 

Mr. Brown — i have not seen the " New York Herald " for some days past ; but I 
presume, from your remark at the gist of the letter, that I should concur with it. I 
a«-rec with Mr. Smith that moral suasion is hopeless. I don't think the people of the 
slave States will ever consider the subject of slavery in its true fight till some other 
argument is resorted to than moral suasion. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Did you expect a general rising of the slaves in case of your 
success ? 

Mr. Brown — No, sir ; nor did I wish it. I expected to gather them up from time 
to time and set them free. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Did you expect to hold possession here till then ? 

Mr. Brown — Well, probably 1 had quite a different idea. I do not know that I 
ou"ht to reveal my plans. I am here a prisoner and wounded, because I foolishly 
allowed myself to be so. You overrate your strength in supposing I could have been 
taken if 1 had not allowed it. I was too tardy after commencing the open attack — in 
delaying my movements through Monday night, and up to the time when I was attacked 
by the government troops. It was all occasioned by my desire to spare the feelings 
of my prisoners and their families and the community at large. I had no knowledge 
of the shooting of the negro (Hay ward). 

Mr. Vallandigham — What time did you commence your organization in Canada ? 

Mr. Brown — That occurred about two years ago, if I remember right. It was, I 
think, in 1858. 

Mr. Vallandigham — Who was the Secretary ? 

Mr. Brown — That I would not tell if I recollected ; .but I do not recollect. I think 
the officers were elected in May, 1858. I may answer incorrectly, but not intentionally. 
My head is a little confused by wounds, and my memory obscure on dates, etc. 

Dr. Biggs — Were you in the party at Dr. Kennedy's house ? 



24 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

Mr. Brown — I was at the head of that party. I occupied the house to mature my 
plans. I have not been in Baltimore to purchase caps. 

Dr. Biggs — What was the number of men at Kennedy's ? 

Mr. Brown — I decline to answer that. 

Br. Biggs — Who lanced that woman's neck on the hill ? 

Mr. Brown — I did. I have sometimes practised in surgery when I thought it a 
matter of humanity and necessity, and there was no one else to do it ; but have not 
studied surgery. 

Dr. Briggs — It was clone very well and scientifically. They have been very clever 
to the neighbors, I have been told, and we had no reason to suspect them except that 
we could not understand their movements. They were represented as eight or nine 
persons ; on Friday they were thirteen. 

Mr. Brown — There were more than t 

Q. Where did you get arms to obtain possession of the Armory ? 

A. I bought them. 

Q. In what State ? 

A. That I would not state. 

Q. How many guns ? 

A. Two hundred Sharpe's rifles and two hundred revolvers — what is called the 
Massachusetts Arms Company's revolvers, a little under the navy size. 

Q. Why did you not take that swivel you left in the house ? 

A. I had no occasion for it. It was given to me a year or two ago. 

Q. In Kansas ? 

A. No ; I had nothing given me in Kansas. 

Q. By whom ; and in what State ? 

A. I decline to answer. It is not properly a swivel ; it is a very large rifle with a 
pivot. The ball is larger than a musket ball ; it is intended for a slug. 

Reporter of the Herald — I do not wish to annoy you ; but if you have anything 
further you would like to say I will report it. 

Mr. Brown — I have nothing to say, only that I claim to be here in carrying out a 
measure I believe perfectly justifiable, and not to act the part of an incendiary or ruf- 
fian, but to aid those suffering great wrong. I wish to say, furthermore, that you had 
better — all you people at the South — prepare yourselves for a settlement of that 
question that must come up for settlement sooner than you. are prepared for. The 
sooner you are prepared the better. You may dispose of me very easily ; I am 
nearly disposed of now ; but this question is still to be settled — this negro question I 
mean — the end of that is not yet. These wounds were inflicted upon me — both sa- 
bre cuts on my head and bayonet stabs in different parts of my body — some minutes 
after I had ceased fighting and had consented to a surrender, for the benefit of others, 
not for my own. (This statement was vehemently denied by all around.) I believe 
the major (meaning Lieut. J. B. Stuart, of the United States cavalry,) would not 
have been alive ; I could have killed him just as easy as a mosquito when he came in, 
but I supposed he came in only to receive our surrender. There had been loud and 
long calls of " surrender " from us — as loud as men could yell — but in confusion 
and excitement I suppose we were not heard- I do not think the major, or any one, 
meant to butcher us after we had surrendered. 

An Officer here stated that the order to the marines was not to shoot anybody ; 
but when they were fired upon by Brown's men and one of them killed, they were 
obliged to return the compliment. 

Mr. Brown insisted that the marines fired first. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 25 

An Officer — Why did not you surrender before the attaek ? 

Mr. Brown — I did not think it was my duty or interest to do fo. We assured the 
prisoners that we did not wish to harm them, and they should be set at liberty. I ex- 
ercised my best judgment, not believing the people would wantonly sacrifice their own 
fellow-citizens, when we offered to let them go on condition of being allowed to change 
our position about a quarter of a mile. The prisoners agreed by vote among them- 
selves to pass across the bridge with us. We wanted them only as a sort of guaranty 
of our own safety ; that we should not be fired into. We took them in the first place 
as hostages and to keep them from doing any harm. We did kill some men in de- 
fending ourselves, but I saw no one fire except directly in self-defence. Our orders 
were stride not to harm any one not in arms against us. 

Q. Brown, suppose you had every nigger in the United States, what would you do 
with them ? 

A. Set them free. 

Q. Your intention was to carry them off and free them ? 

A. Not at all. 

A Bystander — To set them free would sacrifice the life of every man in this com- 
munity. 

Mr. Brown — I do not think so. 

Bystander — I know it. I think you are fanatical. 

Mr. Brown — And I think you are fanatical. " Whom the gods would destroy they 
first make mad," and you are mad. 

Q. Was it your only object to free the negroes ? 

A. Absolutely our only object. 

Q. But you demanded and took Col. Washington's silver and watch ? 

A. Yes; we intended freely to appropriate the property of slaveholders to carry out 
our ohject. It was for that, and only that, and with no design to enrich ourselves with 
any plunder whatever. , 

Q. Did you know Sherrod in Kansas ? I understand you killed him. 

A. I killed no man except in fair fight ; I fought at Black Jack Point and Ossawa- 
tomie, and if I killed anybody it was at one of those places. - 

TRIAL OF CAPT. BROWN. 

The preliminary examination of Brown and his associates took place Oct. 25th, 
before a bench of justices. The prisoners were brought into court under a guard of 
80 armed men. The Court incpiired if they had counsel, and Brown said : 

HIS REMARKS TO THE COURT. 

I did not ask for any quarter at the time I was taken. I did not ask to have 
my life spared. The Governor of the State of Virginia tendered me his assurance 
that I should have a fair trial ; and, under no circumstances whatever, will I be able 
to have a fair trial. If you seek my blood, you can have it at any moment, without 
this mockery of a trial. I have had no counsel. I have not been able to advise with 
any one. I know nothing about the feelings of my fellow-prisoners, and am utterly 
unable to attend in any way to my own defence. My memory don't serve me. My 
health is insufficient, although improving. There arc mitigating circumstances that I 
would urge in our favor, if a fair trial is to be allowed us. But if we are to be forced 
with a mere form — a trial for execution — you might spare yourself that trouble. I 
4 



26 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

am ready for my fate. I do not ask a trial. I beg no mockery of a trial — no insiilt 

nothing but that which conscience gives, or cowardice would drive you to practise. 

I ask a^ain to be excused from the mockery of a trial. I do not even know what the 
special design of this examination is. I do not know what is to be the benefit of it to 
the Commonwealth. I have now little further to ask, other than that I may not be 
foolishly insulted, only as cowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their power. 

The Court assigned Messrs. C. J. Faulkner and Lawson Botts, as counsel. Mr. 
Harding, the District Attorney, asked Brown if he was willing to accept them. 

Mi*. Brown replied : I wish to say that I have sent for counsel. I did apply, 
through the advice of some persons here, to some persons whose names I do not now 
recollect, to act as counsel for me, and I have sent for other counsel, who have had 
no possible opportunity to see me. I wish for counsel if I am to have a trial ; but if I 
am to have nothing but a mockery of a trial, as I have said, I do not care anything 
about counsel. It is unnecessary to trouble any gentleman with that duty. 

Mr. Harding — You are to have a fair trial. 

Mr. Brown — There were certain men — I think Mr. Botts was one of them — who 
declined acting as counsel, but I am not positive about it. I cannot remember 
whether he was one because I have heard so many names. I am a stranger here ; I 
do not know the disposition or character of the gentleman named. I have applied 
for counsel of my own, and doubtless could have them, if I am not, as I said before, to 
be hurried to execution before they can reach me. But if that is the disposition that 
ia to be made of me, all this trouble and expense can be saved. 

Mr. Harding — The question is, do you desire the aid of Messrs. Faulkner and 
Botts as your counsel ? Please answer yes or no. 

Mr. Brown — I cannot regard this as an examination, under any circumstances. 
I would prefer that they should exercise their own pleasure. I feel as if it was a 
matter of very little account to me. If they had designed to assist me as counsel, I 
should have wanted an opportunity to consult them at my leisure. 

The other prisoners assented to the arrangement. 

After testimony from Mr. Washington, Mr. Ball, and others, the prisoners were 
remanded for trial before the Circuit Court. 

THE INDICTMENTS. 

The Court met immediately after, Judge Bichard Parker on the bench ; but the 
Grand Jury did not report until the 2Gth. The indictment charged John Brown, 
Aaron C. Stephens, alias Aaron D. Stephens, and Edwin Coppie, white persons, and 
Shields, Green, and John Copeland, free negroes with 

1st. Confederating to make rebellion and levy war against Virginia, and to effect 
this purpose, seizing Harper's Ferry, within the jurisdiction- of the State; capturing 
divers goo 1 and loyal citizens and slaying and murdering certain others, and establish- 
ing a government hostile to the government of the State, and exercising offices under 
it, and compelling obedience, and resisting the laws of Virginia. 

2d. With conspiring to induce certain slaves of Lewis M. Washington and John II. 
Alstadt to make rebellion and insurrection. 

3d and 4th. With committing murder upon Thomas Boerly, Fontaine Beckham, 
and Luke Quinn, white persons and Ilayward Sheppard, a free negro. 



THE JOHN CROWN INVASION. 27- 

The Government decided to try Brown first, and Lawson Bolts and Mr. Green were 
assigned as his counsel. Charles B. Harding and Andrew Hunter appeared for the 
prosecution. The prisoners were compelled to stand while the indictment was read. 
Stephens was so ill that he had to be held upright by two bailiffs. 

DELAY REFUSED. 

Cant. Brown then rose and said : " I do not intend to detain the Court, but barely 
•wish to say, as I have been promised a fair trial, that I am not now in circumstances 
that enable me to attend a trial, owing to the state of my health. I have a severe 
wound in the back, or rather in one kidney, which enfeebles me very much. But I 
am doing well, and I only ask for a very short delay of my trial, and I think I may 
get able to listen to it; and I merely ask this, that, as the saying is, 'the devil may 
have his dues,' — no more. I wish to say, further, that my hearing is impaired, and 
rendered indistinct, in consequence of wounds I have about my head. I cannot hear 
distinctly at all ; I could not hear what the Court has said this morning. I would be 
glad to hear what is said on my trial, and am now doing better than I could expect to 
be under the circumstances. A very short delay would be all I would ask. I do not 
presume to ask more than a very short delay, so that I may in some degree recover, 
and be able at least to listen to my trial, and hear what questions are asked of the 
citizens, and what their answers are. If that could be allowed me, I should be very 
much obliged." 

After argument, and the examination of witnesses as to Brown's condition, the 
request was refused. In the afternoon," Brown was brought into court upon a cot, 
being unable to rise from his bed. The jury were empanelled as follows : 

Richard Timberlake, Joseph Myers, Thomas Watson, Jr., Isaac Dust, John C. 
McClure, William Rightsdale, Jacob J. Miller, Thomas Osborne, George W. Boyer, 
John C. Wiltshire, George W. Tapp, William A. Martin. 

INSANITY — THE PLEA REPELLED. 

On the 27th, Brown walked into court, looking better, and lay down on his cot at 
full length. Mr Botts read the following dispatch : — 

Akron, Ohio, Thursday, Oct. 2G, ISoO. 
To C. J. Faulkner and Lawson Botts : 

John Brown, leader of the insurrection at Harper's Ferry, and several of his family 
have resided in this county many years. Insanity is hereditary in that family. His 
mother's sister died with it, and a daughter of that sister has been two years in a 
lunatic asylum. A son and daughter of his mother's brother have also been confined 
in the lunatic asylum, and another son of that brother is now insane and under close 
restraint. These facts can be conclusively proven by witnesses residing here, who 
will doubtless attend the trial if desired. A. H. Lewis. 

William C. Allen, telegraphic operator at the Akron office, adds to the above dis- 
patch that A. II. Lewis is a resident of that place, and his statements are entitled to 
implicit credit. 

Mr. Botts said, that on receiving the above dispatch, he went to the jail with his 
associate, Mr. Green, and read it to Brown, and is desired by the latter to say that in 



28 THE JOHN BEOWN INVASION. 

his father's family there has never been any insanity at all. On his mother's side there 
have been repeated instances of it. He adds that his first wife showed symptoms of 
it, which were also evident in his first and second sons by that wife. Some portions 
of the statements in the dispatch he knows to be correct, and of other portions he is 
ignorant. He does not know whether his mother's sister died in the lunatic asylum, 
but he docs believe that a daughter of that sister has been two years in the asylum. 
He also believes that a son and daughter of his mother's brother have been confined in 
an asylum ; but he is not apprised of the fact that another son of that brother is now 
insane and in close confinement. Brown also desires his counsel to say that he does 
not put in the plea of insanity, and if he has been at all insane he is totally uncon- 
scious of it ; yet he adds that those who are most insane generally suppose that they 
have more reason and sanity than those around them. For himself, he disdains to 
put in that plea, and seeks no immunity of the kind. This movement is made totally 
without his approbation or concurrence, and was unknown to him till the receipt of 
the dispatch above. 

Brown then raised himself up in bed, and said : " I will add, if the Court will allow 
me, that I look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext of those who ought to take 
a different course in regard to me, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt 
more than otherwise. As I remarked to Mr. Green, insane persons, so far as 
my experience goes, have but little ability to judge of their own sanity ; and if I 
am insane, of course, I should think I know more than all the rest of the world. But 
I do not think so. I am perfectly unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am 
capable, any attempt to interfere in my behalf on that score." 

Mr. Botts stated that he was further instructed by Mr. Brown to say that, rejecting 
this plea entirely, and seeking no delay for that reason, he does repeat to the Court 
his request made yesterday, that time be given for the foreign counsel to arrive that 
he has now reason to expect. 

THE EVIDENCE. 

The request for delay was resisted by Mr. Hunter and Mr. Harding. Mr. Hunter 
suggested that it was possible Mr. Lewis might be coming at the head of a band of 
desperadoes. The Court ordered the trial to proceed, and the counsel on each side 
addressed the jury, after which the witnesses were called. Conductor Phelps detailed 
the circumstances as to the detention of the train and the shooting of Hayward, and 
gave the following account of the interview between Gov. "Wise and Brown, on 
Tuesday, the 18th inst: — 

Witness returned to Harper's Ferry on Tuesday, and went in with Gov. Wise and 
others to see Brown, who was a prisoner. Heard his conversation with Wise and 
Hunter ; Mr. Wise said he was sorry to see a man of his age in that position ; Brown 
replied that he asked no sympathy, and had no apologies to make : he knew exactly 
what he was about ; the Governor asked him if he did not think he was doing wrong 
in running off with other people's property; Brown said, no, he didn't; he stated that 
he never had but twenty-two men of Iris party, but expected large reinforcements from 
Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and, I think, some of the New Eng- 
land States, and New York. He said that arms were sent to them from Massachu- 
setts ; think he spoke of Sharpe's rifles, revolvers, and spears ; said he could arm from 
1,500 to 2,000 men ; said he had Harper's Ferry in his eye as the place for his opera- 
tions ; that he had rented a farm four miles off, from Dr. Kennedy, and had paid the 



THE JO UN BROWN INVASION. 29 

rent up to March, and that all his arms were sent to him there from Chambersburg, 
Pa. ; said those who brought the arms there did not know what they were, as he had 
taken the precaution to place them in double boxes; they were addressed to J. Smith 
& Sons. Brown told Gov. "Wise that he had books in his trunk that would explain to 
him his whole proceedings, and what the purpose of his business was; Col. Lee said he 
had one, and handed it to Gov. Wise ; Brown asked him to read two of its first pre- 
ambles and four of the last sections, which he did, and Brown said that was a correct 
copy ; in reply' to a question of Gov. Wise, he said he was commander-in-chief of the 
forces under the Provisional Government, and that he then held that position ; he said 
the constitution was adopted in a place called Chatham, in Canada; Brown said there 
was a Secretary of War, Secretary of State, Judge of the Supreme Court, and all the 
ofik-ers for a General Government; he said there was a House of Representatives, and 
that there was an intelligent colored man elected as one of the members of the House 
(sensation) ; Gov. Wise asked Brown if he had taken the oath of allegiance provided 
for in the 48th article; he replied he had; asked if all the white men of his band had 
taken the oath ; he replied that they had ; he said that there were appointed and com- 
missioned officers ; that Stephens, Leeman, and one of Brown's sons were captains, and 
Coppie was a lieutenant; he said something about a battle in Kansas, and having one 
of his sons shot; I think he said Cook held a Captain's commission; Gov. Wise asked 
Brown if he thought he had been betrayed to the Secretary of AVar ; said he thought 
he had been betrayed, but had practised the ruse to prevent suspicion ; the Governor 
asked him what that ruse was, but he refused to answer ; said he knew exactly the 
position he had placed himself in, and if his life was forfeited he was prepared to 
suffer. 

Col. Washington related the circumstances of his capture by Cook, Stephens, and 
others. Cross-examined, he said that Brown's conduct was not rude or insulting, and 
that he directed his men, more than once, not to fire on unarmed men. 

On the third day, Oct. 28, Geo. II. Hoyt, Esq., arrived from Boston to aid Brown, 
as his counsel, and was qualified by taking the customary oath. Some letters and 
papers were put into the case. Mr. Hunter proposed to prove Brown's handwriting 
by Sheriff Campbell, but Brown said he would save that trouble. " He was ready to 
face the music." Mr. Ball, the master machinist, testified to the facts which occurred 
while he was a prisoner. The man who shot Beckham was afterward killed at the 
charge of the Marines ; did not see Capt. Brown fire. Mr. Alstadt, Alexander Kelly, 
Albert Grist, and others, testified to occurrences at the Arsenal, and to the killing of 
Beckham and Turner. 

The defence called Joseph A. Brewer, A. M. Kitzmiller, Henry Hunter, and others, 
for the purpose of showing Brown's forbearance ; his complaints that his flags of truce 
were fired upon, &c. Henry Hunter's testimony as to the killing of Thompson, a pris- 
oner, is given in another place. Several other witnesses were called, who were not 
present. 

brown's complaint of nis counsel. 

Brown arose from his mattress, evidently excited, and standing on his feet, addressed 
the Court, as follows : — 

May it please the Court: I discover that, notwithstanding all the assurances I have 
received of a fair trial, nothing like a fair trial is to be given me, as it would seem. I 



30 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

gave the names, as soon as I could get at them, of the persons I wished to have called 
as witnesses, and was assured that they would be subpoenaed. I wrote down a memo- 
randum to that effect, saying where those parties were ; but it appears that they have 
not been subpoenaed, as far as I can learn ; and now I ask, if I am to have anything at 
all deserving the name and shadow of a fair trial, that this proceeding be deferred until 
to-morrow morning ; for I have no counsel, as I before stated, in whom I feci that I can 
rely, but I am in hopes counsel will arrive who will attend to seeing that I get the wit- 
nesses who are necessary for my defence. I am myself unable to attend to it. I have 
given all the attention I possibly could to it, but am unable to see or know about them, 
and can't even find out their names ; and I have nobody to do any errand, for my 
money was all taken when I was sacked and stabbed, and I have not a dime. I had 
two hundred and fifty or sixty dollars in gold and silver taken from my pocket, and 
now I have no possible means of getting any body to go my errands for me, and I have 
not had all the witnesses subpoenaed. They are not within reach, and are not here. I 
ask at least until to-morrow morning to have something done, if anything is designed ; 
if not, I am ready for any thing that may come up. 

Mr. Iloyt added his voice to this request. Messrs. Botts and Green then withdrew 
from the case, the prisoner having declared he had no confidence in them. Mr. Botts 
said he would give Mr. Iloyt all the aid in his poAver. 

THE TRIAL CONTINUED. 

The next day, Oct. 29, Samuel Chilton, of Washington, and Henry Griswold, of 
Cleveland, Ohio, arrived to assist Brown with their counsel. The trial went on. Mr. 
Mills, the master-armorer, testified : — 

Witness was one of the hostages of Captain Brown, confined in the engine-house; 
before the general firing commenced, negotiations were pending for the release of the 
prisoners ; a paper was drawn up, embracing certain terms, and borne by Mr. Brua to 
the citizens ouisidc; the terms were not agreed to; the last time Mr. Brua was out 
there was severe firing, which, I suppose, prevented his return ; Brown's son went out 
with a flag of truce, and was shot; he came back wounded ; the prisoner attended him 
and gave him water ; heard Brown frequently complain that the citizens had acted in 
a barbarous manner; he did not appear to have any malicious feeling ; he undoubtedly 
seemed to expect reinforcements ; said it would soon be night, and he would have more 
assistance ; his intentions were to shoot nobody unless they were carrying or using arms . 
if they do, let them have it ; this was while the firing was going on. 

Capt. Brown here asked the witness whether he saw any firing on his part which 
was not purely defensive ? 

Witness — It might be considered in that light, perhaps ; the balls came into the 
enpine-house pretty thick. 

Question by Counsel — Did you not frequently go to the door of the engine-house ? 

No, indeed. (Laughter.) 

A general colloquy ensued between the prisoner, lying on his cot, and the witness, 
as to the part taken by the prisoner in not unnecessarily exposing his hostages to dan- 
ger. No objection was made to Brown's asking these questions in his own way, and 
interposing verbal explanations relative to his conduct. The witness generally cor- 
roborated his own version of the circumstances attending the attack on the engine- 
house ; but could n.ot testify to all the incidents that he enumerated. He did not 
hear him say that he surrendered. Witness's wife and daughter were permitted to 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 31 

visit liim unmolested, and free verbal communication was allowed with those outside. 
We were treated kindly ; but were compelled to stay where we didn't want to be. 
Brown appeared anxious to effect a compromise. 

Samuel Snider sworn. This witness proceeded to detail the whole circumstances of 
the two days, with what he saw, what he thought, and what he heard. Nothing new 
was elicited. He confirmed the statement of the other witnesses, that Brown endeav- 
ored to protect his hostages, and constantly said that he wished to make terms more for 
their safety than his own. 

ARGUMENTS OP COUNSEL. 

After the testimony was all in, Mr. Chilton moved that the prosecution be compelled 
to elect one count of the indictment and abandon the others. He afterwards said he 
would reserve the motion as the basis for a notice in arrest of judgment. Mr. Harding 
then made the opening argument for the prosecution. 

Fifth Day, Oct. 30, the arguments in the case were finished, Messrs. Griswold and 
Chilton speaking for the prisoner, and Mr. Hunter for the Government. 

When Mr. Hunter closed his peroration to the jury, without further remark, at an 
intimation from the judge, they immediately withdrew to consider their verdict. After 
an absence of three-quarters of an hour (during which the Court took a recess), they 
returned into court with a verdict. At this moment the crowd filled all the space 
from the couch inside the bar, around the prisoner, beyond the railing in the body of 
the court, out through the wide hall and beyond the doors. There stood the anxious, 
but perfectly silent and attentive populace, stretching head and neck to witness the 
closing scene of Old Brown's trial. It was terrible to look upon such a crowd of human 
faces, moved and agitated by one dreadful expectancy, — to let the eye rest for a mo- 
ment upon the only calm and unruffled countenance there, and to think that he alone 
of all present was the doomed one, above whose head hung the sword of fate. But 
there he stood, a man of indomitable will and iron nerve, all collected and unmoved, 
even while the verdict that consigned him to an ignominious doom was pronounced 
upon him. After recapitulating his offences set forth in the indictment, the Clerk of the 
Court said : — 

Gentlemen of the Jury, what say you, is the prisoner at the bar, John Brown, guilty 
or not guilty ? 

Foreman — Guilty. 

Clerk — Guilty of treason, and conspmng and advising with slaves and others to 
rebel, and murder in the first degree ? 

Foreman — Yes. 

Not the slightest sound was heard in the vast crowd as this verdict was thus returned 
and read. Not the slightest expression of elation or triumph was uttered from the 
hundreds present, who, a moment before, outside the court, joined in heaping threats 
and imprecations on his head ; nor was this strange silence interrupted during the whole 
of the time occupied by the forms of the court. Old Brown himself said not even a 
word ; but, as on any previous day, tm*ned to adjust his pallet, and then composedly 
stretched himself upon it. 

Mr Chilton made his motion in arrest of Judgment. 



82 ME JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

SPEECH AND SENTENCE OF BROWN. 

Brown was then brought in and the Court House was immediately thronged. 

The Clerk asked Mr. Brown whether he had anything to say why sentence should 
not be pronounced upon him. 

Mr. Brown immediately rose, and in a clear, distinct voice, said : 

I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. In the first place, I deny 
everything but what I have all along admitted, of a design on my part to free slaves. 
I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I did last winter 
when I went into Missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on 
either side, moving them through the country and finally leaving them in Canada. I 
designed to have done the same thing again on a larger scale. That was all I 
intended to do. I never did intend murder or treason, or the destruction of property, 
or to excite or incite the slaves to rebellion or to make insurrection. I have another 
objection, and that is that it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I inter- 
fered in the manner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly proved — for I 
admire the truthfulness and candor of the greater portion of the witnesses who have 
testified in this case — had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intel- 
ligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends, either father, mother, 
brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that class, and suffered and sacrificed what 
I have in this interference, it would have been all right, and every man in this court 
would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. This Court 
acknowledges, too, as I suppose, the validity of the law of God. I see a book kissed, 
which I suppose to be the Bible, or at least the New Testament, which teaches me 
that all things whatsoever I would that men should do to me, I should do even so to 
them. It teaches me further to remember them that are in bonds as bound with 
them. I endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say I am yet too young to under- 
stand that God is any respecter of persons. I believe that to have interfered as I 
have done, as I have always freely admitted I have done in behalf of his despised 
poor, is no wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my 
life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the 
blood of my children, and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights 
are disregarded by wicked, cruel and unjust enactments, I say let it be done. Let 
me say one word further. I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received 
on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I 
expected. But I feel no consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was 
my intention, and what was not. I never had any design against the liberty of any 
person, nor any disposition to commit treason or excite slaves to rebel or make any 
general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do so, but always discouraged 
any idea of that kind. Let me say also in regard to the statements made by some of 
those who were connected with me, I fear it has been stated by some of them that I 
have induced them to join me, but the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure 
them, but as regretting their weakness. Not one but joined me of his own accord, 
and the greater part at their own expense. A number of them I never saw, and 
never had a word of conversation with till the day they came to me, and that was for 
the purpose I have stated. Now I am done. 



TIIE JOHN BKOWN INVASION. 33 

While Mr. Brown was speaking perfect quiet prevailed, and when he had finished 
the judge proceeded to pronounce sentence upon him. After a few primary remarks, 
he said, that no reasonable doubt could exist of the guilt of the prisoner, and sentenced 
him to be hung in public on Friday, the 2d of December next. 

Mr. Brown received his sentence with composure. 

The only demonstration made was by the clapping of the hands of one man in the 
crowd, who was not a resident of Jefferson County. This was promptly suppressed, 
and much regret is expressed by the citizens at its occurrence. 

TPJAL OF COPPIE, GREEN, AND COPLAND. 

The trial of Coppie was completed the same day Brown was sentenced. He was 
found guilty on all the counts. Green and Copland were defended by George Sen- 
nott, of Boston. Some of the points raised by him are thus stated by the corre- 
spondent of the N. Y. Tribune : 

The evidence being all in, Mr. Sennott moved the Court that the jury be directed 
to pay no attention to any evidence tending to show treason, and to return a verdict 
of Not Guilty, as in the case of Shields Green, on the ground that Copland, bcin"- 
described in that count as a negro, could not be guilty of treason, under the decision 
in the case of Dred Scott, that a negro was not a citizen. The Court assenting, Mr. 
Hunter, for the prosecution, admitted the statement of law to be correct, and declared 
that they abandoned that count. 

On the second count of the indictment, Mr. Sennott moved for a similar direction, 
on the ground that the negro was described as free, whereas the presumption of law 
in the slave States was that he was a slave, being a man of color ; that in a civil case, 
he must show that fact affirmatively himself; that in a criminal case it was a material, 
issuable, and triable fact, and must be proved as laid, and that the Government had 
closed their case without doing so. 

Mr. Hunter called attention to the fact that they had introduced Copland's confes- 
sion to the Marshal, wherein he stated that he was born in North Carolina, but went 
to Oberlin at the age of ten ; and was born free. 

Mr. Sennott replied that the confession was admitted under strong objection ; that 
it had been made under influence, as well as threats ; that no matter how admitted, 
it was a declaration of Copland in his own favor, and should not therefore be 
admitted ; that it was in his favor legally, because the status of a free man was legally 
superior to that of a slave ; that he had a legal right to reject, or refuse to assume a 
legal benefit when it was a practical damage ; and that, at any rate, for the purposes 
of this trial, he would insist that his client was a slave as well as a negro, and that the 
Government must prove that he was free affirmatively. 

The Court ruled that the burden of proof was on the Government, but refused to 
direct that they must prove it affirmatively. 

Mr. Sennott excepted. 

Mr. Sennott then asked the Court to direct a verdict of not guilty on the second 
count, for conspiring with slaves and others to rebel, and inducing slaves to insurrec- 
tion, — and asked the Court to rule that there was no evidence of such an offence to 
go to the jury. He also asked the Court to rule, that compelling slaves to take pikes 
in their hands was not advising them to revolt, in the sense of the law. The Court, 
5 



34 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

•with hesitation, concluded finally by refusing so to rule, and Mr. Sennott excepted. 
He then asked the Court to rule that, as the Government had relied all along upon 
the confession of Copland, that he had come to run off slaves, and had insisted on it, 
they could not be allowed now to contradict their own story ; and that that had 
actually proved a different offence entirely, to wit, slave stealing, from what the 
Grand Jury had charged them with under oath, viz., conspiracy and rebellion. The 
same remarks applied to the counts for murder. At this point there appeared to be 
some hesitation on the part of the Court. 

The prosecuting officer remarked that the Government had proved a common pur- 
pose, that not all the ingenious pleading of the counsel could evade. That being so, 
he thought proof of the overt acts of conspiracy first proved that, and then the mur- 
ders occurring in furtherance of the common design were chargeable upon all the 
conspirators. He spent a great portion of the time of his argument, and read much 
law, to show this position. 

Mr. Sennott, in reply, remarked that the whole learned argument as to common 
purpose was entirely useless, because the law intended only to punish a man for com- 
mitting crimes in pursuance of a common purpose with which he was charged. Here, 
however, he was shown to have done nothing, — and no body in his band, — except in 
pursuance of a design with which he was not charged. On an appeal to the Court, 
it was ruled : 

That the Government must prove the second count as charged, and that evidence 
of a conspiracy to run off slaves did not and would not support it. 

There was here a very perceptible sensation among the assembled crowd. The 
jury, however,' retired, and after the first discussion had in the jury-room during all 
these trials, returned a verdict of not guilty on the first count, but guilty on all the 
others. 

Mr. Sennott immediately gave notice that on Monday he would, with leave, move 
the verdict be set aside, as against evidence and against the direction and ruling of 
the Court. 

The Court remarked that it would hear the motion, and instantly adjourned. 

COPLAND'S CONFESSION. 

Copland's confession is as follows : 

Question. — Are you John Copland of Oberlin, and the same person that was in- 
dicted last year at Cleveland for rescuing the slave John ? 

Answer. — I am. 

Q. Do your parents reside in Oberlin ? 

A. They do. 

Q. Who induced you to enter into the Harper's Ferry movement ? 

A. J. II. Kagi and John Brown, Jr., wrote letters to Leary, at Oberlin, which I 
saw, and was thus induced to go into it. 

Q. Who furnished you the means to come to Virginia ? 

A. Ralph and Samuel Plumb gave me the money, Si 5, to bear my expenses. 

Q. What other Oberlin persons were at Harper's Ferry ? 

A. None but Leary and myself. 

Q. Where is Leary ? 

A. He was killed in the river, near the ILifie Works. 

Q. Did you come through Cleveland ? 

A. Yes. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 35 

Q. On what day did } r ou leave there ? 

A. The day of the October election. 

Q. Where did you stop at in Cleveland ? 

A. I stopped at Isaac Sturtevant's, on Walnut street. Was there from Monday 
noon until Tuesday evening at nine o'clock. 

Q. Did Mr. and Mrs. Sturtcvant know what you were going to Virginia for ? 

A. Mrs. Sturtevant did. She was the person who talked to me about it. I sup- 
pose Mr. S. knew it. B 

Q. Where did Plumb give you the money, and who was present ? 

A. Ralph Plumb gave it to me ; Samuel Plumb and Leary were present ; it was in 
Plumb's office at Oberlin. 

Q. Did the Plumbs know where you were going ? 

A. Yes, and wished us good luck, and gave me the money just before leaving, 
Monday morning. 

Q. Did Charles II. Langston see you in Cleveland ? 

A. He did, and knew I was coming on to join Brown's company. 

Q. Who directed you to go to Sturtevant's at Cleveland ? 

A. Leary. He was directed by John Brown, Jr., to go there. 

Q. Did you hear Ralph Plumb, on the day the slave John was rescued, urge per- 
sons to go to Wellington, and if so, where ? 

A. I did ; he was on the pavement in front of Watson's grocery. 

Q. Have you any knowledge of an attempt to raise an insurrection in any other 
State or region of our country ? 

A. I understood that there was an intention to attempt a movement of that kind in 
Kentucky about the same time. 

Q. Did you know from Brown, or any other person, that help was expected from 
the slaves in the neighborhood ? 

A. I did fi-om Brown, that help would come from the slaves, but I did not under- 
stand at any time, until Monday morning, after the fight had commenced, that any 
thing else than running off slaves was intended, I being at the Rifle Works, half a 
mile from the Engine House. 

Q. Did you learn from Brown, or any of the company, that persons at Harper's 
Ferry sympathized with them, or were in any way connected with the movement ? 

A. From Brown I understood that there were laboring men at Harper's Ferry, who 
wished to get rid of the slaves, and would aid in running them off. 

TRIAL OF COOK 

John E. Cook, who meanwhile had been captured in Pennsylvania, brought to 
Charlestown and indicted, was also tried. He was defended with great zeal by his 
brother-in-law, Geo. Willard, of Indiana, Mr. Voorhees, of that State, and three other 
lawyers ; but without avail. All the ingenious points raised by the counsel were 
swept aside, and Mr. Hunter finally introduced Cook's confession, (printed in this 
pamphlet.) Cook was convicted. 



36 THE JOnN BROWN INVASION. 

SENTENCE OF THE PRISONERS. 

On the 10th, the prisoners having been severally asked if they had anything to say, 
previous to listening to their sentence of death, Coppie rose and spoke thus : 

" The charges that have been made against me are not true. I never committed 
any treason against the State of Virginia. I never made war upon it. I never con- 
spired with anybody to induce your slaves to rebel, and I never even exchanged a 
word with one of your servants. What I come here for I always told you. It was to 
run off slaves into a Free State and liberate them there. This is an offence against 
your laws, I admit, but I never committed murder. When I escaped to the engine 
house, and found the Captain and his prisoners surrounded there, I saw no way of de- 
liverance but by fighting a little. If anybody was killed on that occasion, it was in a 
fair fight. I have, as I said, committed an offence against your laws, but the punish- 
ment for that offence would be very different from what you are going to inflict on me 
now. I have no more to say." 

It will readily be seen that this statement coincides exactly with, and substantiates 
the account, which I sent you a few days ago, from Brown's own lips, of his real in- 
tention in this expedition. The next two prisoners, the negro and mulatto, Green 
and Copland, when called upon, said nothing. When Cook's turn came, he delivered, 
in a hesitating, nervous manner, a speech, which had probably been carefully pre- 
pared. He said, in substance, that he had not come to commit treason or murder, but 
merely in pursuance of orders from his commander-in-chief, with a design to liberate 
slaves. As to the sword and pistols of George Washington, taken from Lewis Wash- 
ington's house, he said they were seized by order of Brown, not for purposes of rob- 
bery, but for the sake of the moral effect that their possession might afford in case of 
a war of liberation. At the conclusion of his not very effective speech, Judge Parker 
pronounced sentence of death, in a manner showing genuine sincerity of emotion and 
pity. 

The prisoners were sentenced to be hanged on the lGth of December, — Green and 
Copland between 8 and 1 2 o'clock, and Cook and Coppie between 1 2 and 5. 

CASE OF STEPHENS. 

[Correspondenee of the New York Tribune.] 

Charlestown, Va., Nov. 7, 1859. 

THEY STRIKE AT "HIGHER AND WICKEDER GAME." 
The proceedings to-day in the Court-room were of remarkable importance. In my 
letter of yesterday I disclosed the plan of operations that had been prepared in the 
case of Cook, with a view to the apprehension of certain Northern men supposed to 
be concerned in Brown's invasion. That plan has been changed so far as the employ- 
ment of Cook for the purpose goes, but not otherwise. That is to say, another prison- 
er, Stephens, is to be substituted for trial in the United States Court at Staunton, 
to which place a number of persons, whose correspondence with Brown has been 
shown by the contents of his carpet-bag, are to be summoned, to reveal what they 
know of the matter. 

This scheme on the part of the Government has been very closely concealed, so 
much so that all suspicion of it has hitherto been suppressed, in this place, at least. 
It would not have come to light to-day but by reason of an accidental delay in 



TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 37 

communications between Governor Wise and the authorities here, which rendered it 
necessary that when intelligence did arrive, it should be published in open court. 
This morning I heard the District-Attorney, Harding, declare, in answer to a sugges- 
tion that Cook might possibly be taken to another place for trial, that it could never 
be. " No, sir," he said ; " if the United States want him, they must wait till we get 
through with him. We caught him, and we mean to have the first chance at hanging 
him. The United States may take his dead body, if they choose." Such slaughter- 
house language as this comes to one's ears at every turn ; it is no longer singular. 

When Cook's case was considered this morning some delay was Occasioned, to occu- 
py which Stephens was brought up for trial. This man, with three bullets in his head 
and two in his breast, his face bound together by bandages, his frame shattered by 
wounds, was dragged in a fainting condition across from the jail to the Court-rcom, 
and stretched out upon the floor, his head resting upon a chair. Helpless and motion- 
less, but wholly alive to everything that passed, he listened with much appearance of 
interest to the preparations for the trial ; but just as the jury had been impanelled, 
and the evidence was about to be put in, Mr. Hunter, the senior counsel for the pro- 
secution, arose and announced that he had at that moment received a telegraphic dis- 
patch from Gov. Wise, referring to the case now progressing. The dispatch was as 
follows : " Let Cook be tried with you, and turn Stephens over to the United States." 
Mr. Hunter went on to say that he had for some time been in communication with 
Gov. Wise upon this subject, and that it had partly been determined to give up Cook 
to the United States Court, but that the Governor, as it appeared, had decided other- 
wise, and it happened that his decision, by great good fortune, was just as Mr. Hunter 
would prefer to have it, certain discoveries having recently been made which proved 
that the purposes of the Government could be better carried out by the change. 
" What we aim at," said Mr. Hunter, " is not only the destruction of these men whom 
we have in confinement ; we now strike at higher and wickeder game." 

A great sensation followed this announcement. But when Mr. Hunter proposed 
that the trial should be suspended, and the prisoner remanded to await the action of 
the United States Court, the excitement was intense. The District- Attorney, Hard- 
ing, protested vehemently against the removal. He denounced all those who should 
advocate it. The Court, liOAvever, snubbed Mr. Harding, and hinted to him to go 
about some other business, which he did, muttering vengeance as he withdrew. 

The question then lay between Mr. Sennott and Mr. Hunter. Mr. Sennott said 
that, in a capital case like this, it was not his duty to decide such a matter. His duty 
was to defend, at every hazard, and to the last extremity, the man who lay there pros- 
trate at his feet. But, if Stephens should consent to the arrangement, he certainly 
should not interpose any objection. A word from Stephens settled the matter. He 
did desire, he said, to be transferred to the United States Court, and he was forthwith 
conducted back to jail, not at all discontented at the new turn of things. 

The public are moved to very violent discussions on this new phase of affairs. Great 
indignation is displayed by some at the prospect of one of their prisoners escaping from 
their clutches, and satisfaction is expressed by others at the hope of the seizure of the 
Northern friends of Brown. Excited rumors, in such a state of feeling, are of little 
value ; but I may say that I have heard the names of Gerritt Smith, Horace Greeley, 
Dr. Howe, of Boston, and a number of others spoken of as among those sure to be 
summoned to Staunton. 

Why Gov. Wise decided that Stephens, instead of Cook, should be taken in charge 
by the United States Court, it is not very easy to understand. There is one expla- 
nation, which may be developed to-morrow, and which, if it turns out as there is rea- 



38 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

son to suppose it may, will throw no credit upon the Government managers of these 
trials. 

It is uncertain when Stephens can be removed. His present condition is most piti- 
able, and it will hardly be considered safe to put him upon any journey now. Some 
of the officers say that he may not be taken to Staunton until next May, but I do not 
think so long a delay will be permitted, even if he should survive till that time, which 
is very doubtful. 

The District-Attorney, Harding, is in a most unhappy state of mind. He delivers 
orations at all the corners on the subject. He swears with all the intensity of inebri- 
ation (for the District- Attorney is a little notorious for his bibulous weaknesses) that 
Stephens shall never leave this place. " By — , sir," he says, " Wise shan't have him. 
I know my position. I don't owe my office to Wise ; I owe it to the voice of the peo- 
ple, and I get fifty dollars for trying these cases. Hunter has honeyfugled me Ion" 1 
enough, and now I'm going to take the bit in my teeth. I mean to have the first hang- 
ing of these fellows ! " — and so on for stretches of an hour each. 

[Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.] 
THE WAY JURORS ARE QUALIFIED. 

Let us endeavor to represent to you how some of the jurors in these cases are 
qualified. 

A stolid and heavy man stands up before the judge to answer the necessary ques- 
tions. His countenance is lighted only by the hope of getting a chance to give his 
voice against the wounded man upon the ground. You can see this as plainly as if he 
told you. 

Judge — Were you at Harper's Ferry, sir, during these proceedings ? 

Juror — No, sir. 

Judge — Are you a freeholder of this county ? 

Juror — Yes, sir. 

Judge — Have you heard the evidence in the other cases? 

Juror — (Eagerly) Yes, sir. 

Judge — I mean, if you have heard the evidence, and are likely to be influenced by 
it, you are disqualified here. Have you heard much of the evidence ? 

Juror — No, sir. 

Judge — Have you expressed any opinion as to the guilt of these parties ? 

Juror — Yes, sir (eagerly again.) 

Judge — Are you, then, capable of judging this case according to the evidence, 
without reference to what you have before heard said ? 

Juror — Yes, sir. 

Judge — Have you any conscientious scruples, which will prevent you finding this 
man guilty, because the death penalty may be his punishment ? 

Juror — Yes, sir (promptly.) 

Judge — I think you do not understand my question. I ask you if you would hesi- 
tate to find this man guilty, because he would be hung if you did? 

(Juror looks around puzzled, overcome by the abstract nature of the proposition.) 

Judge — This man will be hung if you find him guilty. Will that certainty of his 
beirfg hung prevent you from finding him guilty, if the evidence convinces you he is 
so ? 

Juror — (Catching the idea) No sir — No sir ! 

Judge — Very well, sir; you can take your seat as juror. 



THE JOIIN BROWN INVASION. 39 

THE WAY VERDICTS ARE RENDERED. 

But the most extraordinary custom is that of the Clerk preparing a written verdict, 
reading it to the jury, and asking them if they agree to it, which, of course they do. 
In the case of Coppie, the jury came in with a blundering verdict. They knew noth- 
ing about "counts" and such trifles; they simply knew that they found the prisoner 
guilty. This would not do ; so in a few minutes a correct verdict was written off and 
read to the jury, who said that was just what they meant, and subscribed with 
cheerfulness. 

After the trial and conviction of Capt. Brown, he was daily visited by persons of all 
shades of opinion, and actuated by various motives. 

The details of these interviews as published arc all of them deeply interesting and 
enable us to judge of the noble characteristics of the man. They show us the sincerity 
of his purposes, the unselfish benevolence of his labors, and the depth and power of 
that faith in God and the commandments and promises of his word which had been 
the inspiration of his heroic life. 

INTERVIEWS WITH BROWN IN PRISON. 

[From the N. Y. Tribune.] 
VISIT TO JOHN BROWN BY MRS. SPRING. 

In going to Virginia, I thought I should satisfy my feelings of pity for the wounded 
prisoners, and be hidden by Mrs. Child, who I heard was there. The name of a 
" Friend," who lives in Charlestown, was given to me, and on our arrival my son and I 
went to ask him where Mrs. Child was stopping. He proved a most unfriendly 
" Friend." " Mrs. Child," he said, " is not in the town. I should advise her to stay at 
home and attend to her domestic affairs. People had better stay in their own country. 
And," he added, " if she came to my house I would not receive her." " I rather think 
John Woodman would have done it," I replied. " I don't care what John Woodman 
would ; I know David Howells wouldn't," was his answer. All other persons to whom 
we spoke were civil. 

On our way we spent a night at Harper's Ferry. In the parlor we heard a young 
lady describing to a gentleman the horrors of the night of terror. " I wish," she said, 
" I could shoot them all." She told the story of poor Thompson, brought wounded 
into the hotel, followed by the infuriated people, protected for a time by Mr. Fouke's 
sister, at last dragged out and killed on the bridge. She said : " It was dreadful to 
drag him out so ; but they did right to kill him. / would." The gentleman said, 
" Oh, no ! you wouldn't." I asked, " Who killed him ? " He said, " One of our citizens, 
madam. He never would have done it, but was made furious because our Mayor was 
shot down in the street." I expressed my horror of the deed. It must be some com- 
fort to his young widow to know that a brave woman, at great risk to herself, tried to 
save him. They threatened her, but she would not leave him. I asked the gentleman 
if he believed Brown insane. He said, " No ; his plans were too perfect to leave any 
doubt of the clearness of his mind." The landlord said the same. And certainly the 
place was wisely chosen. Part of the Blue Ridge rises directly from the town on the 
north. It is said that in these mountains there are wonderful caves ; and if, as he 
intended, he had succeeded in fortifying himself there, slaves could have escaped to 
him, and it would have been difficult to dislodge him. Care for the lives of his pris- 
oners, whom he feared that cold night to take into the mountains, and the mistake in 



40 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

stopping the train, caused, as be explains, and as I heard others say at Harper's 
Ferry, all the shedding of blood. Let those who condemn him most be satisfied that 
his first-born sons by both his first and second wife were slain, and also his young son 
Oliver, of whom the mother says, " He was most like his father, caring most for learn- 
ing of all our children." Let him, then, be forgiven for the unpremeditated horrors of 
that night at Harper's Ferry. 

In Charlestown the Sheriff refused my application to see Mr. Brown. " Public 
opinion," he said, " is very much excited, in consequence of your coming here. Capt. 
B. does not wish to sec any one," and, adding, " My responsibilities are very great. 
If anything should occur, in consequence of my granting you, or any one else, an 
interview, I should be censured by the whole community. I must, therefore, deny 
your request." 

I sent Mr. Brown some linen, &c, which I had brought, and should have left 
Charlestown the next morning, but the jailer and Mr. Sennott both assured me that 
Mr. Brown wished to see me. We therefore determined to wait. The hotel keeper 
was very kind, and we waited over two days. But the Sheriff remained inexorable, 
though he knew Mr. Brown's wishes. At last Mr. G. Sennett got an order from the 
judge of the Court, for my admission. 

With gifts from the woods and the garden, we went in through the door of iron 
bars, which turned with a grating sound on its heavy hinges. On the two beds were 
Brown and Stephens. Both were glad to see us. Stephens is a pleasant looking 
young man, though very pale from his wounds. One who knew him well has said of 
him, " I never knew any man try so hard to be good." No picture I have seen gives 
an idea of Brown's noble bearing, of his fine expression, and the peculiar light of his 
eyes. I was reminded at once by his appearance of Motley's description of William 
of Orange ; no better one can be given of Brown : 

" In person he was above the middle height, perfectly well made and sinewy, but 
rather spare than stout. His eyes, hair, beard, and complexion were brown. His 
head was small, symmetrically shaped, combining the alertness and compactness char- 
acteristic of the soldier, witli the capacious brow, furrowed prematurely with the hori- 
zontal lines of thought, denoting the statesman and the sage. His physical appear- 
ance was, therefore, in harmony with his organization, which was of antique mould. 
Of his moral qualities, the most prominent was his piety. He was more than anything 
else a religious man. From his trust in God, he ever derived support and consolation 
in the darkest hours. Implicitly relying upon Almighty wisdom and goodness, he 
looked danger in the face with a constant smile, and endured incessant labors and 
trials with a serenity which seemed more than human. * * * 

His firmness was allied to his piety. His constancy in bearing the whole weight of 
struggles as unequal as men have ever undertaken, was the theme of admiration even 
to his enemies." 

Between Mr. Brown and his jailer there has grown up a most friendly feeling. 
Captain Avis, who is too brave to be afraid to be kind, has done all he could for the- 
prisoners, and been cursed accordingly. Still their condition was very cheerless, and 
Mr. Brown was in the same clothes in which he was taken. A cloth under his head 
was much stained with blood from a still open wound. It was hard for me to forget 
the presence of the jailer (I had that morning seen his advertisement of " 50 negroes 
for sale ") ; but I soon lost all thought of him in listening to Mr. Brown, who spoke at 
once of his plans and of his failure. Twenty years he has labored, and waited, and 
suffered, and at last he believed that the time of fulfilment had come. But he failed ; 
and, instead of being free on the mountains, strong to break every yoke and let the 
oppressed go free, he was shorn of his strength, with prison walls about him. " But," 
he said, " I do not now reproach myself; I did what I could." I said, " The Lord often 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 41 

leads us in strange ways." " Yes," he answered ; " and I think I cannot now better 
serve the cause I love so much than to die for it; and in my death I may do more than 
in my life." A pleasant smile came over his face when I exclaimed, " Then you will 
be our martyr ! " I continued, u I want to ask one question for others, not for myself, 
— Have you been actuated by any feeling of revenge ? " lie raised his head, and gave 
me a surprised look ; then, lying back, he answered slowly, but firmly, " I am not 
conscious of having had a feeling of the kind. No, not in all the wrong done to me 
and my family in Kansas, have I had a feeling of revenge." " That would not sustain 
you now," I remarked. " No, indeed," he replied quickly ; "but I sleep peacefully as 
an infant ; or, if I am wakeful, glorious thoughts come to me, entertaining my mind." 
Presently he added, " The sentence they have pronounced against me did not disturb 
me in the least ; it is not the first time I have looked death in the face." " It is not 
the hardest thing for a brave man man to die," I answered ; " but how will it be in the 
long days before you, shut up here ? If you can be true to yourself in all this, how 
glad we shall be." " I cannot say," he responded, " what weakness may come over me ; 
but I do not believe I shall deny my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ ; and I should if I 
denied my principles against slavery. Why, I preach against it all the time, — Captain 
Avis knows I do." The jailer smiled, and said " yes." We spoke of those who, in times 
of trial, forgot themselves, and he said, " There seems to be just that difference in peo- 
ple ; some can bear more than others, and not suffer so much. He had been through 
all kinds of hardships, and did not mind them." My son remarked that it was a great 
thing to have confidence in one's own strength. " I did not mean to say that," was the 
answer. " It is only a constitutional difference, and I have been trained to hardships." 
When twelve years old, he went with his father to furnish the American army with 
cattle. This had led him far away from home, and subjected him to much exposure. 
Sometimes he slept in graveyards, but without any superstitious fear, and in forests a 
hundred miles from human habitations, surrounded by hostile English and Indians. 
" But," he added, smiling, " I have one unconquerable weakness ; I have been more 
afraid of being taken into an evening party of ladies and gentlemen than of meeting a 
company of men with guns." I think he is still more afraid of the giving of trouble to 
others. He seems to me to be purely unselfish, and in all that he has done to have 
never thought of himself; but always of others. In a noble letter to his wife, which I 
brought away with me, he entreats his " dear wife and children, every one, never, in 
' all your trials, forget the poor that cry, and him that hath none to help liim.' " 

While he was talking to me with the deepest solicitude of his family, the rabble, 
ever hanging about the court-house and prison, fearful that we were plotting treason 
inside, became restless. The Sheriff was frightened and called the jailer, so that I had 
only a moment to speak to Stephens and to say farewell to Mr. Brown, who stood up 
to take leave of us, saying, " The Lord will bless you for coming here." 

There was, I learned afterward, an angry mob outside the jail ; but I did not see it. 
In a moment we reached the hotel, and at once recorded all we could remember of this 
interesting visit. That night there were rumors of an attack on the jail, and it was 
thought best that I should not repeat my visit. The jailer said to my son, " Your 
mother can write and send him books and hymns. He is an intelligent and a religious 
man, and will appreciate them." 

But the evening before we left Charlestown a telegram announced to me that 
Mrs. Brown was in Philadelphia, and I was anxious therefore to have another interview 
with her husband. " In the morning I sent for the judge, who went with us to the prison 
door. Mr. Brown was sitting at the table, where ho had just finished a letter to his 
wife and a note to me. He looked better and brighter, and happier than at my first 
6 



42 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

visit, and Stephens also looked better. The old man said little except about his family, 
•whom he commended to the kindness of good people. 

On our return, we saw boys, at Harper's Ferry, going about and selling pikes and 
other things which they had found in the school house in the woods. I said to the 
landlord, " It is not right for these boys to sell, on their own account, this property of 
Mr. Brown ; his family will need all he leaves." " They arc not his property," was the 
reply ; " but that of the Abolitionists, who furnished the money to buy them, and who 
sent him here. Let them come and claim them I" 

To Mrs. Brown, it was a great comfort to see one who could give her direct informa- 
tion in regard to the condition of her husband. Hearing that he had lost the clothes 
she last made for him, she went at once to work to prepare others. When these last 
kind offices were done, and the little trunk packed, and she felt " it is the last time ! " 
her sorrow,, for a season, overwhelmed her. Since then she has received a letter from 
her husband (of which I am permitted to send you a copy), in answer to one telling 
him of a plan to have his two daughters educated in Mr. Weld's school, at Eagleswood. 
Half the money for this purpose has been given, for the first year, by two gentlemen. 

The home of the unfortunate family is in a region of almost perpetual frost, where 
they cannot earn a living. It has been proposed to raise money to purchase for them 
a small farm, somewhere in a milder climate. If we cannot get the father out of his 
prison, let us, at least, bring his wife and children out of the wilderness. R. B. s. 

Eagleswood, November 2G, 1859. 

INTERVIEW WITn BROWN. 

By a Correspondent of the Boston Traveller. 
A correspondent of the Boston Traveller, who was present when the sentence upon 
Brown was pronounced, writes : 

" Captain Brown was then led in, and the motion in arrest of judgment in this case 
was refused. After reading his opinion on this question, the judge asked the prisoner 
if he had any reason why sentence should not be pronounced, and he delivered the 
remarkable speech which you have read, speaking with perfect calmness of voice and 
mildness of manner, winning the respect of all for his courage and firmness. His self- 
possession was more wonderful, because his sentence, at this time, was unexpected, and 
his remarks were entirely unprepared. 

Sentence was pronounced, and was received in perfect sdence, except a slight de- 
monstration of applause from one excited man, whom the judge instantly ordered into 
custody. It illustrates the character of the people, that several officials and members 
of the bar hastened to inform us that this man was not a citizen of the county. They 
take pride in thinking that Jefferson County is a county of gentlemen. 

During my interviews with Brown at the jail, he repeated what he said in court, 
that he was perfectly satisfied with the fairness of his trial, and the kindness of his 
treatment. He said that Captain Avis, his jailer, showed as much kindness in treat- 
ing him, as he had shown courage in attacking him. " It is what I should expect from 
a brave man." Seeing that one of the deputy jailers was present, he added : " I don't 
say this to flatter ; it is n't my way. I say it because it is true." (For the same 
reason I here repeat it.) Judge Parker appears to have conducted the trial with 
remarkable candor, dignity, and impartiality ; and when we consider what a servile 
iusurrcction is, the self-control of the people is wonderful. 

Brown has not been in irons since the first night, and every possible indulgence is 



THE JOnN BROWN INVASION. 43 

shown him, except the indulgence of delay. Even the speed of the trial is, in part, 
accounted for by the accident that the term of the court happened to be held just at 
this time. 

Capt. Brown appears perfectly fearless in all respects, — says that he has no feeling 
about death on a scaffold, and believes that every act " even all the follies that led to 
this disaster, were decreed to happen ages before the world was made." The only 
anxiety he expressed was in rcgaid to the circumstances of his family. He asked and 
obtained leave to add a postscript to a letter to his wife, telling her that he was to be 
hanged on the second of December, and requested that it should be directed to Mrs. 
John Brown, " for there are some other widow Browns in North Elba." 

He speaks highly of his medical attendants, but rejects the offered counsel of all 
ministers who believe that slavery is right. He will die as fearlessly as he has lived. 

VISIT TO JOHN BROWN. 

By a Correspondent of the New York Tribune. 

Last evening I obtained a permit, and, with a few others, entered the jail and con- 
versed with the occupants of the various cells. I first saw Brown and Stephens, who 
are still in the same cell, and will continue so until death parts them. Brown 
received the entire party with cordiality. He set aside his work, — the letter of 
which I told you yesterday, and turned around in his chair, excusing himself, however, 
from rising, as he was unable to stand without some pain. He did not say whether 
this pain was caused by the fetters upon his ankles, or otherwise. I should suppose 
not, as the chains are light, and so arranged that he does not find much difficulty in 
walking. In all his conversation, Brown showed the utmost gentleness and tran- 
quillity, and a quiet courtesy withal, that contrasted rather strongly with the bearing 
of some of his visitors. 

He repeated that he was in every way reconciled to his destiny, and spoke cheer- 
fully of what was to come upon him. He was several times importuned for his auto- 
graph, but without avail. He seems to have a great repugnance to parting with any 
of his handwriting. A correspondent of one of the illustrated papers used every argu- 
ment to induce him to yield this point ; told him that the proprietor of the paper with 
which he was connected had given Mrs. Brown $50 for a photograph, and so forth. 
Brown answered that he was surely very grateful for every kindness to his wife, who 
was truly deserving of them all, but that not even this consideration would overcome 
his unwillingness. The reason he gave was that his autograph had been sought, per- 
sonally and by letter, by hundreds of persons, and that if he should attempt com- 
pliance it would deprive him of all the time that remained to him on earth, which he 
ought to occupy differently. As he could not gratify all, he would refuse all, without 
exception. I am very glad that the correspondent did not obtain the autograph. He 
would have employed it as a new means of casting ridicule upon the man who is so soon 
to die. His odious caricatures of Brown's person should have satisfied his hatred. 

Brown said that for the last three or four days he had felt much better than at any 
previous time since he was wounded at Harper's Ferry. Stephens is rapidly gaining 
strength, and displays a liveliness that astonishes all who see him. When the party 
left the cell, hands were shaken all around. So far as Brown was concerned it was 
an honest expression of good will. With most of the rest it was like a salutation of 
Judas- 



44 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

VISIT TO BROWN BY A PENNSYLVANIA DEMOCRAT. 

Hon. M. B. Lowry, now of Erie, Penn., and formerly a Democratic member of the 
Legislature of that State, from Crawford Co., was a neighbor of Old John Brown when 
he resided in Pennsylvania, and formed a very warm attachment for him. This 
feeling of regard induced him to visit his old friend at Charlestown, and he was fortu- 
nate enough to gain access to his prison. Amongst the topics discussed at this inter- 
view, was the character of the editor of the Kansas Herald of Freedom. Mr. Lowry 
says: — 

I obtained, before leaving, a letter from the Adjutant General of our State, and 
was well armed, in addition, with letters from Gov. Wise, Senator Mason, Andrew 
Hunter, Col. Washington, and others, from friends in Philadelphia and Baltimore. I 
was informed for the first time when I reached Philadelphia, that all Northerners who 
had been identified as friends of Brown, had been warned from the State, and that 
the country about Charlestown was under martial law, and I was strongly warned not 
to venture any further on my journey. 

Mr. Brown did not at first recognize me, but on my giving my name, greeted me 
cordially and gratefully. He said there were many whom he had hoped to see, whom 
he had not seen, but he had not expected to see' any of his old Crawford County 
friends. He alluded to Crawford as being very dear to him, as its soil was hallowed 
as the resting-place of his former wife and two beloved children, and the sight of any 
one from that region was most cheering. I cannot pretend to give his language — it 
was the natural expression of a deep and impassioned nature, and as eloquent as 
words could be uttered. 

I remarked to Mr. Brown that there had been a different version given to his 
Kansas exploits by the Herald of Freedom from that which his friends gave, and 
ventured the opinion that his reputation demanded an explanation. He replied that 
he understood my allusion, but that I was mistaken in supposing that it needed any 
refutation from him. " Time, and the honest verdict of posterity," said he, " will 
approve of every act of mine to prevent slavery from being established in Kansas. / 
never shed the blood of a fellow man except in self-defence or in promotion of a rir/hteous 
cause." He spoke in indignant terms of the editor of the Herald of Freedom, charac- 
terizing him as " selfish, unjust, revengeful, mercenary, untruthful and corrupt." I 
remarked that I regretted to hear him speak of G. W. Brown in such terms, as he was 
an old acquaintance of mine, and had been trusted and respected. His answer was : 
"Mr. Lowry, you are mistaken if you suppose that anything George Washington 
Brown could say can tarnish the character of John Brown." During our conversa- 
tion, the martial music (where Gov. Wise was reviewing his army near the prison) 
made a great noise, and thinking it must annoy him, I asked him if it did not ? 
" No," said the man, " it is inspiring ! " 

And here, as I parted with him, telling him I would see him again, if possible, he 
repeated to me — " Tell those without that I am cheeerful." My time was up and I 
was invited to leave. 

I wished much to see Brown again, and expressed a wish to stay in his cell all 
night, but they assured me that if my wish even was known, I might not be safe — and 
in accordance with the advice of these friends, I left in the morning train for Harper's 
Ferry. On the train I met Gov. Wise. In a previous conversation with me the 
evening before, he had asked me whether John Brown was considered an insane man 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 45 

when he resided in Pennsylvania. I said he was thought to be sano and honest. In 
the ears I asked the Governor if he would commute the sentence of Mr. Brown. He 
said, " / dare commute the sentence of Brown, and the citizens of Virginia would acquiesce, 
but I will not do it." " Why," said he, " John Brown never asked to be pardoned. 
And I doubt whether he would ash it, if he knew the asking would obtain it." He said he 
would rather pardon Brown than Cook, and he would pardon neither. I asked tho 
Governor if Brown's friends could have his body after his death. He answered, 
" The surgeons will claim his body." I said to the Governor that in my opinion 
Brown was a monomaniac, and as crazy on the subject of slavery as Gerritt Smith. 
He said, " Men of that kind of insanity ought to be hanged." 

A very intelligent Virginia gentleman, a Mr. Brown, asked me " what I wished to 
do with Brown's body ? " I told him it would belong to his wife ; but, if his friends 
would not claim it, I would, if they gave it to me, and burg it in my own burying ground. 
He remarked that it would be used for a different purpose if the North should get it ; 
Viat Massachusetts icould take the head, and other Northern Slates other parts of the body, 
and each icould erect over its portion a monument higher than Bunker Hill. 

Mr. Brown is a member of the Old-School Presbyterian Church, and a decidedly 
religious man, though he strictly and sternly refuses to be aided in his prayers by the 
pro-slavery divines of Virginia. One of these gentlemen, in conversation with me, 
said that he had called on Brown to pray with him. He said that Brown asked if he 
was ready to fight, if necessity required it, for the freedom of the slave. On his 
answering in the negative, Brown said that he would thank him to retire from his cell, 
that his prayers would be an abomination to his God. To another clergyman he said 
that he would not insult his God by bowing down with any one who had the blood of 
the slave upon his skirts. 

I omitted above to say that Gov. Wise told me there was one condition on which he 
would surrender Gen. Brown — which was that I should deliver up to him General 
Sympathy for execution in his stead. The Governor and the citizens are evidently 
more afraid of the latter than of the former. 

. . . The present panic among these brave Virginians demonstrates the correct- 
ness of Brown's estimate of them when he thought that a small body of slaves with 
those unearthly weapons in their hands, could rush down from the mountains, victors 
over a panic-striken commonwealth. 

JOHN BROWN'S LETTERS. 

The following letters were written by John Brown, in his prison. They are 
arranged in the order of their dates, and each and all are illustrative of the noble 
character of the man : 

LETTER OF MRS. CniLD TO CAPTAIN BROWN. 

Wayland, Mass. T Oct. 26, 185D. 

Dear Captain Brown : Though personally unknown to you, you will recognize 
in my name an earnest friend of Kansas, when circumstances made that territory the 
battle ground between the antagonistic principles of slavery and freedom, which poli- 
ticians'so vainly strive to reconcile in the government of the United States. 

Believing in peace principles, I cannot sympathize with the method you chose to 
advance the cause of freedom. But I honor your generous intentions, — I admire 
your courage, moral and physical. I reverence you for the humanity which tempered 



46 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

your zeal. I sympathize with you in your cruel bereavement, your sufferings, and 
your wrongs. In brief, I love you and bless you. 

Thousands of hearts are throbbing with sympathy as warm as mine. I think of you 
ni<dit and day, bleeding in prison, surrounded by hostile faces, sustained only by trust 
in God and your own strong heart. I long to nurse you, — to speak to you sisterly 
words of sympathy and consolation. I have asked the permission of Governor Wise 
to do so. If the request is not granted, I cherish the hope that these few words may 
at least reach your hands, and afford you some little solace. May you be strengthened 
by the conviction that no honest man ever sheds blood for freedom in vain, however 
much he may be mistaken in his efforts. May God sustain you and carry you through 
whatsoever may be in store for you. Yours, with heartfelt respect, sympathy, and 
affection. 

L. Maria Child. 

CAPTAIN BROWN'S REPLY. 

Mrs. L. Maria Child — My Dear Friend (such you prove to be, though a 
stranger) : Your most kind letter has reached me, with the kind offer to come here 
and take care of me. Allow me to express my gratitude for your great sympathy, 
and at the same time to propose to you a different course, together with my reasons 
for wishing it. I should certainly be greatly pleased to become personally acquainted 
with one so gifted and so kind, but I cannot avoid seeing some objections to it, under 
present circumstances. First, I am in charge of a most humane gentleman, who, with 
his family, have rendered me every possible attention I have desired, or that could be 
of the least advantage ; and I am so far recovered from my wounds as no longer to 
require nursing. Then, again, it would subject you to great personal inconvenience 
and heavy expense, without doing me any good. Allow me to name to you another 
channel, through which you may reach me with your sympathies much more effectually. 
I have at home a wife and three young daughters, the youngest but little over five 
years old, the oldest nearly sixteen. I have also two daughters-in-law, whose husbands 
have both fallen near me here. There is also another widow, Mrs. Thompson, whose 
husband fell here. Whether she is a mother or not, I cannot say. All these, my wife 
included, live at North Elba, Essex County, New York. I have a middle-aged son, 
who has been, in some degree, a cripple from his childhood, who would have as much 
as he could well do to earn a living. He was a most dreadful sufferer in Kansas, and 
lost all ho had laid up. He has not enough to clothe himself for the winter com- 
fortably. I have no living son, or son-in-law, who did not suffer terribly in Kansas. 

Now, dear friend, would you not as soon contribute fifty cents now, and a like sum 
yearly, for the relief of those very poor and deeply afflicted persons? to enable 
them to supply themselves and their children with bread and very plain clothing, and 
to enable the children to receive a common English education ? Will you also devote 
your own energies to induce others to join you in giving a like amount, or any other 
amount, to constitute a little fund for the purpose named ? 

I cannot see how your coming here can do me the least good ; I am quite certain 
you can do me immense good where you are. I am quite cheerful under all my afflict- 
ing circumstances and prospects, having, as I humbly trust, " the peace of God, which 
passeth all understanding," to rule in my heart. You may make such use of this as 
you see fit. God Almighty bless and reward you a thousand fold ! 

Yours in sincerity and truth, 

John Brown. 



TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 47 

LETTER FROM A QUAKER LADY TO JOHN BROWN. 

Newport, E. I., Tenth month, 27th, '59. 

Capt. Joiin Brown: — Dear Friend: Since thy arrest I have often thought of 
thee, and have wished that, like Elizabeth Fry toward her prison friends, so that I 
inight console thee in thy confinement. But that can never be, and so I can only 
write thee a few lines which, if they contain any comfort, may come to thee like some 
ray of light. 

You can never know how very many dear Friends love thee with all their hearts, 
for thy brave efforts in behalf of the poor oppressed ; and though we, who are non- 
resistants, and religiously believe it better to reform by moral, and not by carnal 
weapons, could not approve of bloodshed, yet we know thee was animated by the most 
generous and philanthropic motives. Very many thousands openly approve thy inten- 
tions, though most Friends would not think it right to take up arms. 

Thousands pray for thee every day ; and, Oh, I do pray that God will be with thy 
soul. Posterity will do thee justice. If Moses led out the thousands of Jewish slaves 
from their bondage, and God destroyed the Egyptians in the sea because they went 
after the Israelites to bring them back to Slavery, then surely, by the same reasoning, 
we may judge thee a deliverer who wished to release millions from a more cruel 
oppression. If the American people honor Washington for resisting with blood- 
shed for seven years an unjust tax, how much more ought thou to be honored for seek- 
ing to free the poor slaves. 

Oh, I wish I could plead for thee as some of the other sex can plead, how I would 
seek to defend thee ! If I had now the eloquence of Portia, how I would turn the 
scale in thy favor ! But I can only pray, " God bless thee ! " God pardon thee, and 
through our Eedeemer, give thee safety and happiness now and always. From thy 
friend. E. B. 

JOHN BROWN'S REPLY. 

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 1, 1859. 

My Dear Friend E. B. of R. I. : Your most cheering letter of the 27th of Oct. 
is received, and may the Lord reward you a thousand fold for the kind feeling you 
express toward me ; but more especially for your fidelity to the " poor that cry, and 
those that have no help." For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely my own 
fault, in a military point of view, that we met with our disaster — I mean that I min- 
gled with our prisoners and so far sympathized with them and their families that I 
neglected my duty in other respects. But God's will, not mine, be done. 

You know that Christ once armed Peter. So also in my case, I think he put a 
sword into my hand, and there continued it, so long as he saw best, and then kindly 
took it from me. I mean when I first went to Kansas. I wish you could know with 
what cheerfulness I am now wielding the " Sword of the Spirit " on the right hand 
and on the left. I bless God that it proves " mighty to the pulling down of strongholds." 
I always loved my Quaker friends, and I commend to their kind regard my poor 
bereaved widowed wife, and my daughters and daughters-in-law, whose husbands fell 
at my side. One is a mother and the other likely to become so soon. They, as well 
as my own sorrow-stricken daughter, are left very poor, and have much greater need 
of sympathy than I, who, through Infinite Grace and the kindness of strangers, am 
"joyful in all my tribulations." 

Dear sister, write them at North Elba, Essex Co., N. Y., to comfort their sad hearts. 
Direct to Mary A. Brown, wife of John Brown. There is also another — a widow, 



48 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

wife of Thompson, -who fell with my poor boys in the affair at Harper's Ferry, at the 
same place. 

I do not feel conscious of guilt in taking up arms ; and had it been in behalf of the 
rich and powerful, the intelligent, the great — as men count greatness — if those who 
form enactments to suit themselves and corrupt others, or some of their friends, that I 
interfered, suffered, sacrificed, and fell, it would have been doing very well. But 
enough of this. 

These light afflictions which endure for a moment, shall work out for me afar more 
exceeding and eternal weight of glory. I would be very grateful for another letter from 
you. My wounds are hearing. Fareicell. God will surely attend to his own cause 
in the best possible way and time, and he will not forget the work of his own hands. 

Your friend, John Brown. 

I 

LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO HIS WIFE. 

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 8, 1859. 
Dear Wife and Children, Every One : I will begin by saying that I have 
in some degree recovered from my wounds, but that I am quite weak in my back and 
sore about my left kidney. My appetite has been quite good for most of the time since 
I was hurt. I am supplied with almost every thing I could desire to make me com- 
fortable, and the little I do lack (some articles of clothing, which I lost), I may perhaps 
soon get again. I am, besides, cpiite cheerful, having (as I trust) the peace of God 
which " passeth all understanding " to " rule in my heart," and the testimony (in some 
degree) of a good conscience that I have not lived altogether in vain. I can trust God 
with both the time and the manner of my death, believing, as I now do, that for me 
at this time to seal my testimony (for God and Humanity) with my blood will do 
vastly more toward advancing the cause I have earnestly endeavored to promote, than 
all I have done in my life before. I beg of you all meekly and quietly to submit to 
this ; not feeling yourselves in the least degraded on that account. Remember, dear 
wife and children, all that Jesus of Nazareth suffered a most excruciating death on 
the cross as a felon — under the most aggravating circumstances. Think, also, of the 
prophets, and apostles, and Christians of former days, who went through greater trib- 
ulations than you or I ; and (try) to be reconciled. May God Almighty comfort all 
your hearts, and soon wipe away all tears from your eyes. To him be endless praise. 
Think, too, of the crushed millions who " have no comforter." I charge you all never 
(in your trials) to forget the griefs " of the poor that cry, and of those that have none 
to help them." I wrote most earnestly to my dear and afflicted wife not to come on 
for the present at any rate. I will now give her my reasons for doing so. First, it 
would use up all the scanty means she has, or is at all likely to have to make herself 
and children comfortable hereafter. For let me tell you that the sympathy that is now 
aroused in your behalf may not always follow you. There is but little more of the 
romantic about helping poor widows and their children, than there is about trying to 
relieve poor " niggers." Again, the little comfort it might afford us to meet again, 
would be dearly bought by the pains of a final separation. We must part, and I feel 
assured for us to meet under such dreadful circumstances would only add to our dis- 
tress. If she come on here she must be only a gazing stock throughout the whole jour- 
nay, to be remarked upon in every look, word, and action, and by all sorts of crea- 
tures, and by all sorts of papers throughout the whole country. Again, it is my most 
decided judgment that in quietly and submissively staying at home vastly more of gen- 
erous sympathy will her reach ; without such dreadful sacrifice of feeling as she must 



TIIE JOUN BKOffN INVASION. 49 

put up with If she comes on. The visits of one or two female friends that have come 
on here have produced great excitement, which is very annoying, and they cannot 
possibly do me any good. Oh, Mary, do not come, but patiently wait for the meeting 
(of those who love God and their fellow-men) where no separation must follow. 
" They shall go no more out forever." I greatly long to hear from some one of you, 
and to learn any thing that in any way affects your welfare. I sent you $10 the other 
day — did you get it ? I have also endeavored to stir up Christian friends to visit and 
write to you in your deep affliction. I have no doubt that some of them at least 
will heed the call. "Write to me, care of Capt. John Avis, Charlestown, Jefferson 
County, Va. 

" Finally, my beloved, be of good comfort." May all your names be " written on the 
Lamb's book of life" — may you all have the purifying and sustaining influence of the 
Christian religion — is the earnest prayer of your affectionate husband and father, 

John Brown. 

P. S. — I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day ; 
nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine, and a 
cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do remember that this is not your rest ; that in this 
world you have no abiding place or continuing city. To God and His infinite mercy 
I always commend you. 

Nov. 9. J. B. 

LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO HIS H A L F-B R O T H ER. 

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 12, 1859. 
Dear Brother Jeremiah, — Your kind letter of the 9th inst, is received, and 
also one from Mr. Tilden, for both of which I am greatly obliged. You Inquire " Can 
I do anything for you or your family ? " I would answer that my sons, as well as my 
wife and daughter are all very poor, and that anything that may hereafter be due mo 
from my father's estate, I wish paid to them, as I will endeavor hereafter to describe, 
without legal formalities to consume it all. One of my boys has been so entirely used 
up as very likely to be in want of comfortable clothing for the winter. I have, 
through the kindness of friends, fifteen dollars to send him, which I will remit shortly. 
If you know where to reach him, please send him that amount at once, as I shall remit 
the same to you by a safe conveyance. If I had a plain statement from Mr. Thomp- 
son of the state of my accounts, with the estate of my father, I should then better 
know what to say about that matter. As it is I have not the least memorandum left 
me to refer to. If Mr. Thompson will make me a statement, and charge my dividend 
fully for his trouble, I would be greatly obliged to him. In that case you can send me 
any remarks of your own. I am gaining in health slowly ; and am quite cheerful in 
view of my approaching end, being fully persuaded that I am worth inconceivably 
more to hang than for any other purpose. God Almighty bless and save you all. 

Your affectionate brother, 

John Brown. 

P. S. — Nov. 13. — Say to my poor boys never to grieve for one mome-nt on my 
account, and should many of you live to see the time when you will not blush to own 
your relation to Old John Brown, it will not be more strange than many things that 
have happened. I feel a thousand times more on account of my sorrowing friends 
than on my own account. So far as / am concerned, I " count it all joy." " I have 
fought the good fight," and have, as I trust, " finished my course." Please show this 

7 



50 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

to any of my family that you may see. My love to all, and may God, in his infinite 
mercy, for Christ's sake, bless and save you all. 

Your affectionate brother, J. Brown. 

LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO A GENTLEMAN IN WEST NEWTON. 

Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., Nov. 15, 1859. 

My Dear Sir, — Your most kind communication of the 5th inst. -was received by 
me in due time. You request a few lines from me, -which I cannot deny you, though 
much at a loss what to write. Your kind mention of some things in my conduct here 
which you approve is very comforting indeed to my mind ; yet I am conscious that 
you do me more than justice. I do certainly feel that, through Divine grace, i" have 
endeavored to be " faithful in a few things," mingling with even these much of imper- 
fection. I am certainly unworthy " even to suffer affliction with the people of God." 
Yet, in Infinite grace, He has thus honored me. May the same grace enable me to 
serve Him in " new obedience " through my little remainder of this life, and to rejoice 
in Him forever. I cannot feel that God will suffer the poorest services we may any 
of us render Him or His cause to be lost or in vain. 

I do feel " dear Brother," that I am wonderfully " strengthened from on high." 
May I use that strength in " showing His strength unto this generation," and His power 
to every one that is to come. 

I am most grateful for your assurance that my poor shattered, heart-broken " family 
will not be forgotten." I have long tried to commend them to " the God of my Fa- 
ther." I have many opportunities for faithful plain dealing with the more powerful, 
influential and intelligent class in this region, which I trust are not entirely misim- 
proved. I humbly trust that I firmly believe that God reigns, and I think I can truly 
say, " Let the earth rejoice." 

May God take care of His own cause and of His own name, as well as of them who 
love their neighbors. Farewell. 

Yours in truth, John Brown. 

letter from tiie rev. l. w. bacon. 

Litchfield, Ct., Nov. 21, 1859. 

To the Editors of TnE Independent : — My aged friend, the Rev. II. L. Vaill 
of this place, remembers John Brown as having been under his instruction in the year 
1817, at Morris Academy. He was a godly youth, laboring to recover from his disad- 
vantages of early education, in the hope of entering the ministry of the Gosjiel. Since 
then the teacher and pupil have met but once to take " a retrospective look over the 
route by which God had led them." But a short time since Mr. Yaill wrote to Brown, 
in his prison, a letter of Christian friendship, to which he has received the following 
heroic and sublime reply. 

Has ever such an epistle been written from a condemned cell since the letter " to 
Timotheus," when Paul " was brought before Nero the second time ? " 

I have copied it faithfully from the autograph that lies before me, without the change 
or omission of a word, except to omit the full name of the friends to whom he sends his 
message. 

The words in italics and capitals are so underscored in the original. The 
handwriting is clear and firm, but toward the end of the sheet seems to show that the 
sick old man's hand was growing weary. The very characters make an appeal to us 
for our sympathy and prayers. " His salutation with his own hand. Remember his 
bonds." Truly yours, L. W. Bacon. 



TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 51 

A LETTER FRO M CAPTAIN BROWN IN PRISON. 

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., November 15, 1859. 

The Rev. II. L. Vaill — My Dear, Steadfast Friend: — Your most kind and 
most welcome letter of the St'i inst. reached me in due time. 

I am very grateful for all the good feeling you express, and also for the kind coun- 
sels you give, together -with your prayers in my behalf. Allow me here to say, not- 
withstanding " my soul is among lions," still I believe that " God in very deed is with 
me." You will not, therefore, feel surprised when I tell you that I am "joyful in all 
my tribulations ; " that I do not feel condemned of Him whose judgment is just, nor 
of my own conscience. Nor do I feel degraded by my imprisonment, my chains, or 
prospect of the gallows. I have not only been (though utterly unworthy) permitted 
to " suffer affliction with God's people," but have also had a great many rare oppor- 
tunities for " preaching righteousness in the great congregation." I trust it will not all 
be lost. The jailor (in whose charge I am) and his family, and assistants, have all 
been most kind ; and notwithstanding he was one of the bravest of all who fought me, 
he is now being abused for his humanity. So far as my observation goes, none but 
brave men are likely to be humane to a fallen foe. " Cowards prove their courage by 
their ferocity." It may de done in that way with but little risk. 

I wish I could write you about a few only of the interesting times I here experience 
with different classes of men, clergymen among others. Christ, the great Captain of 
liberty as well as of salvation, and who began his mission, as foretold of him, by pro- 
claiming it, saw fit to take from me a sword of steel after I had carried it for a time ; 
but he has put another in my hand, (" the sword of the Spirit,") and I pray God to 
make me a faithful soldier, wherever He may send me, not less on the scaffold than 
when surrounded by my warmest sympathizers. 

My dear old friend, I do assure you I have not forgotten our last meeting, nor our 
retrospective look over the route by which God had then led us ; and I bless his name 
that He has again enabled me to hear your words of cheering and comfoi-t at a time 
when I, at least, am on the " brink of Jordan." See Bunyan's Pilgrim. God in infinite 
mercy grant us soon another meeting on the opposite shore. I have often passed under 
the rod of Him whom I call my Father ; and certainly no son ever needed it oftener ; and 
yet I have enjoyed much of life, as I was enabled to discover the secret of this some- 
what early. It has been in making the prosperity and happiness of others my own ; so 
that really I have had a great deal of prosperity. I am very prosperous still ; and 
looking forward to a time when " peace on earth and good will to men " shall every 
where prevail. I have no murmuring thoughts or envious feelings to fret my mind. 
" I'll praise my Maker with my breath." 

I am an unworthy nephew of Deacon John, and I loved him much ; and in view of 
the many choice friends I have had here, I am led the more earnestly to pray " gather 
not my soul with the unrighteous." 

Your assurance of the earnest sympathy of the friends in my native land is very 
grateful to my feelings ; and allow me to say a word of comfort to them : 

As I believe most firmly that God reigns, I cannot believe that any thing I have 
done, suffered, or may yet suffer, will be lost to the cause of God or of humanity. And 
before I began my work at Harper's Ferry, I felt assured that in the worst event it 
would certainly pay. I often expressed that belief; and I can now see no possible 
cause to alter my mind. I am not as yet, in the main, at all disappointed. I have 
been a good deal disappointed as it regards myself in not keeping up to my own plans ; 
but I now feel entirely reconciled to that, even ; for God's plan was infinitely better, 



52 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

no doubt, or I should have kept to my own. Had Sampson kept to his determination 
of not telling Delilah wherein his great strength lay, he would probably have never 
overturned the house. I did not tell Delilah, but I was induced to act very contrary 
to my better judgment; and I have lost my two noble boys, and other friends, if not 
my two eyes. 

But " God's will, not mine, be done." I feel a comfortable hope that, like that crrino- 
servant of whom I have just been writing, even I may (through infinite mercy in 
Christ Jesus) yet " die in faith." As to both the time and manner of my death, I have 
but very little trouble on that score, and am able to be (as you exhort) of " good 
cheer." 

I send, through yon, my best wishes to Mrs. TV r and her son George, and to all 

dear friends. May the God of the poor and oppressed be the God and Saviour of you 
all. 

Farewell, till we meet again. 

Your friend in truth, 

John Brown. 

Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., 16th Nov., 1859. 

My Dear Wife : — I write you in answer to a most kind letter, of Nov. 13, from 
dear Mrs. Spring. I owe her ten thousand thanks ; for her kindness to you particularly 
and more especially than for what she has done, and is doing, in a more direct way for 
me personally. Although I feel grateful for every expression of kindness or sympathy 
towards me, yet nothing can so effectually minister to my comfort as acts of kindness 
done to relieve the wants, or mitigate the sufferings of my poor distressed family. May 
God Almighty and their own consciousness be their eternal rewarders. I am exceedingly 
rejoiced to have you make the acquaintance and be surrounded by such choice friends, 
as I have long knoicn some of those to be, with whom you are staying, by reputation. 
I am most glad to have you meet with one of a family (or I would rather say of two 

families) most beloved and never to be forgotten by me. I mean dear gentle . 

Many and many a time has she, her father, mother, brothers, sisters, uncle and aunt, (like 
angels of mercy) ministered to the wants of myself and of my poor sons, both in sick- 
ness and in health. Only last year I lay sick for quite a number of weeks with them, 
and was cared for by all, as though I had been a most affectionate brother or father. 
Tell her that I ask God to bless and reward them all forever. " / was a stranger, and 

they took me in." It may possibly be that would like to copy this letter, and 

send it to her home. If so, by all means, let her do so. / would write them if I had 
the power. 

Now let me say a word about the effort to educate our daughters. I am no longer 
able to provide means to help towards that object, and it therefore becomes me not 
to dictate in the matter. I shall gratefully submit the direction of the whole thing to 
those whose generosity may lead them to undertake in their behalf, while I give anew 
a little expression of my own choice respecting it. You, my wife, perfectly icell know 
that I have always expressed a decided preference for a very plain but perfectly prac- 
tical education for both sons and daughters. I do not mean an education so very 
miserable as that you and I received in early life ; nor as some of our children enjoyed. 
When I say plain but practical, I mean enough of the learning of the schools to enable 
them to transact the common business of life, comfortably and respectably, together 
with that thorough training to good business habits which best prepares both men and 
women to be useful though poor, and to meet the stern realities of life with a good 
grace. You well know that I always claimed that the music of the broom, washtub, 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 53 

needle, spindle, loom, axe, scythe, hoe, flail, &c, should first be learned, at all events, 
and that of the piano, &c, ai'Tiuuvakds. I put them in that order as most conducive 
to health of body and mind; and for the obvious reason, that after a life of some ex- 
perience and of much observation, I have found ten women as well as ten men who have 
made their mark in life Right, whose early training was of that plain, practical kind, to 
one who had a more popular and fashionable early training. But enough of 
that. 

Now, in regard to your coming here : If you feel sure that you can endure the trials 
and the shock, which will be unavoidable (if you come), I should be most glad to see 
you once more ; but when I think of your being insulted on the road, and perhaps 
while here, and of only seeing your wretchedness made complete, I shrink from it. Your 
composure and fortitude of mind may be quite equal to it all ; but I am in dreadful doubt 
of it. If you do come, defer your journey till about the 27th or 28th of this month. 
The scenes which you will have to pass through on coming here will be any thing but 
those you now pass, with tender, kind-hearted friends, and kind faces to meet you every 
where. Do consider the matter well before you make the plunge. I think I had better 
say no more on this most painful subject. My health improves a little ; my mind is very 
tranquil, I may say joyous, and I continue to receive every kind attention that I have 
any possible need of. I wish you to send copies of all my letters to all our poor chil- 
dren. What I write to one must answer for all, till I have more strength. I get 
numerous kind letters from friends in almost all directions, to encourage me to " be of 
good cheer," and I still have, as I trust, " the peace of God to rule in my heart." May 
God, for Christ's sake, ever make his face to shine on you all. 

Your affectionate husband, 

John Brown. 

From a subsequent letter, dated November 24, we make the following extract : — 
I have very many interesting visits from Pro-Slavery persons, almost daily, and I 
endeavor to improve them faithfully, plainly, and kindly. I do not think I ever enjoyed 
life better than since my confinement here. For this I am indebted to Infinite grace, 
and kind letters from friends from different quarters. I wish I could only know that all 
my poor family were as composed and as happy as 2. I think nothing but the Christian 
religion could ever make any one so composed. 

My willing soul would stay 
In such, a frame as this. 

John Brow. 

letter from john brown to a friend in new york. 

Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., Nov. 17, 1859. 

My Dear Young Friend, — I have just received your most kind and welcome 
letter of the 15th inst., but did not get any other from you. I am under many obli- 
gations to you, and to your father, for all the kindness you have shown me, especially 
since my disaster. May God and your own consciences ever be your rewarders. Tell 
your father that I am quite cheerful — that I do not feel myself in the least degraded 
by my imprisonment, chains, or the near prospect of the gallows. Men cannot imprison, 
or chain, or hang the soul. I go joyfully in behalf of millions that " have no rights " 
that this great and glorious, this Christian Republic is " bound to respect." Strange 
change in morals, political as well as Christian, since 177G ! I look forward to other 
changes to take place in God's good time, fully believing that the " fashion of this 
world passeth away." 

Farewell. May God abundantly bless you all ! 

Your friend, John Brown. 



54 TUE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO IIIS SON JASON BROWN, OF COFLEY, O. 

CriARLESTOWN, Jefferson Co., Ya., Nov. 22, 1S59. 
Dear Children, — Your most welcome letters of the ICth inst., I have just re- 
ceived, and I bless God, that he has enabled you to bear the heavy tidings of our dis- 
aster with so much seeming resignation and composure of mind. That is exactly the 
thing I have wished you all to do for me — to be cheerful, and perfectly resigned to 
the holy will of a wise and good God. I bless His most holy name, that I am (I trust) 
in some good measure, able to do the same. I am even "joyful in all my tribulations," 
even since my confinement, and I humbly trust that " I know in whom I have trusted." 
A calm peace (perhaps) like that which your own dear mother felt, in view of her 
last change, seems to fill my mind by day and by night. Of this, neither the powers 
of " earth or hell " can deprive me. Do not, dear children, any of you, grieve for a 
single moment on my account. As I trust my life has not been thrown away, so I 
also humbly trust that my death shall not be in vain. God can make it to be of a 
thousand times more valuable to His own cause, than all the miserable service (at 
best) that I have rendered it during my life. When I was first taken, I was too fee- 
ble to write much, so I wrote what I could to North Elba, recpiesting Ituth and Anne 
to send you copies of all my letters to them. I hope they have done so, and that you, 
Ellen, will do the same with what I may send to you, as it is still quite a labor lor mo 
to write *vll that I need to. I want your brothers to know what I write, if you know 
where to reach them. I wrote Jeremiah, a few days since, to supply a trilling assist- 
ance, $15, to such of you as might be most destitute. I got his letter, but do not know 
as he got mine. I hope to get another letter from him soon. I also asked him to show 
you my letter. I know of nothing you can any of you now do for me, unless it is to 
comfort your own hearts and cheer and encourage each other, to trust in God and 
Jesus Christ whom he hath sent. If you will keep his sayings you shall certainly 
" know of his doctrine, whether it be of God or no." Nothing can be more grateful 
to me, than your earnest sympathy, except it be to know that you are fully persuaded 
to be Christians. And now, dear children, farewell for this time. I hope to be able to 
write you again. The God of my father, take you for His children. 

Your affectionate father, John Brown. 

LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO MR. nOYT, ONE OF HIS COUNSEL. 
CnARLESTOWN, Jefferson County, Ya., Nov. 24, 1859. 
George H. Hoyt, Esq. — Dear Sir: Your kind letter of the 22d inst. is received. 
I exceedingly regret my inability to make you some other acknowledgment for all 
your efforts in my behalf than that which consists merely in words ; but so it is. May 
God and a good conscience be your continual reward. I really do not sec what you 
can do with me any further. I commend my poor family to tbe kind remembrance of 
all friends, but I well understand that they are not the only poor in our world. I ou^ht 
to begin to leave off' saying our world. I have but very little idea of the charges 
made against Mr. Griswold, as I get to see but little of what is afloat. I am very sorry 
for any wrong that may be done him; but I have no means of contradicting any thing 
tb il may be said, not knowing what is said. I cannot see how it should be any more 
dishonorable for him to receive some compensation for his expenses and service, than 
lor Mr. Chilton, and I am not aware that any blame is attached to him on that score. 
I am getting more letters constantly than I well know how to answer. My kind 
friends appear to have very wrong ideas of my condition as regards replying to ail the 
kind communications I receive. Your friend, in truth, 

John Brown. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 55 

Extracts from the last letter received by Mrs. Broivn, before she started to go to Charles- 
town, bearing dale Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 2G, 1859, in which, after 
referring to his icife's being under Mrs. Mott's roof, he j)rocecds to say : 
I remember the falthfi>l old lady well ; but presume she has no recollection of me. 
I once set myself to oppose a mob at Boston, where she was. After I interfered, the 
police immediately took up the matter, and soon put a stop to mob proceedings. The 
meeting was, I think, in Marlboro' Street Church, or Hotel, perhaps. I am glad to 
have you make the acquaintance of such old " pioneers " in the cause. I have 
just received from Mr. John Jay of New York a draft for $50 (fifty dollars,) for the 
benefit of my family, and will inclose it made payable to your order. I have also $15 
(fifteen dollars,) to send to our crippled and destitute unmarried son ; when I can, I 
intend to send you, by express, two or three little articles to carry home. Should you 
happen to meet with Mr. Jay, say to him that you fully appreciate his great kindness 
both to me and my family. God bless all such friends. It is out of my power to 
reply to all the kind and encouraging letters I get ; I wish I could do so. I have 
been so much relieved from my lameness for the last three or four days as to be able 
to sit up to read and write pretty much all day, as well as part of the night ; and I do 
assure you and all other friends that I am quite busy, and none the less happy on 
that account. The time passes quite pleasantly, and the near approach of my great 
change is not the occasion of any particular dread. 

I trust that God, who has sustained me so long will not forsake me when I most feel 
my need of Fatherly aid and support. Should He hide His face, my spirit will droop 
and die ; but not otherwise, be assured. My only anxiety is to be properly assured of 
my fitness for the company of those who are " washed from all filthiness ; " and for 
the presence of Him who is infinitely pure. I certainly think I do have some 
" hunger and thirst after righteousness." If it be only genuine, I make no doubt I 
" shall be filled." Please let all our friends read my letters when you can ; and ask 
them to accept of it as in part for them. I am inclined to think you will not be likely 
to succeed well about getting away the bodies of your family ; but should that be so, 
do not let that grieve you. It can make but little difference what is done with them. 
********** 

You can well remember the changes you have passed through. Life is made up of 
a series of changes, and let us try to meet them in the best manner possible. You 
will not wish to make yourself and children any more burdensome to friends than you 
are really compelled to do. I would not. 

I will close this by saying that if you now feel that you are equal to the undertak- 
ing, do exactly as you feel disposed to do about coming to see me before I suffer. I 

am entirely willing. 

Your affectionate husband, 

Joiin Brown. 



LETTER FROM JOHN BROWN TO TflADBEUS HYATT. 

Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., Nov. 27, 1859. 
TnADDEUS Hyatt, Esq. : — My Dear Sir: Your very acceptable letter of the 
24th inst. has just been handed to me. I am certainly most obliged to you for it, and 
all your efforts in behalf of my family and myself. . I can form no idea of the objec- 
tions to your mode of operating in their behalf to which my friend, Dr. , refers ; 

and I suppose it is now too late for any explanations from him that would enlighten 
me. It, your effort, at any rate, takes from my mind the greatest burden I have felt 



56 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

since my imprisonment, to feel assured that, in some way, my shattered and broken- 
hearted wife and children would be so far relieved as to save them from great physi- 
cal suffering Others may have devised a better way of doing it. I had no advice in 
regard to it, and feel very grateful to know, while I was yet living, of almost any 
active measure being taken. I hope no offence is taken at yourself or me in the mat- 
ter. I am beginning to familiarize my mind with new and very different scenes. Am 
very cheerful. Farewell, my friend. 

Joitn Brown. 



joiin brown's last letter to his family. 

cnarlestown prison, ) 

Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 30, 1859. \ 

My Dearly Beloved Wife, Soxs and Daughters, Every One : As I now 
begin what is probably the last letter I shall ever write to any of you, I conclude to 
write to all at the same time. I will mention some little matters particularly appli- 
cable to little property concerns in another place. 

I recently received a letter from my wife, from near Philadelphia, dated Nov. 22, 
by which it would seem that she was about giving up the idea of seeing me a^ain. 
I had written her to come on, if she felt equal to the undertaking, but I do not know 
that she will get my letter in time. It was on her own account chiefly that I asked 
her to stay back. At first I had a most strong desire to see her again, but there 
appeared to be very serious objections ; and should we never meet in this life, I trust 
that she will in the end be satisfied it was for the best at least, if not most for her 
comfort. I inclosed in my last letter to her a draft of $50 from John Jay, made pay- 
able to her order. I have now another to send her, from my excellent old friend 
Edward Harris, of Woonsockct, B. I., for $100, which I shall also make payable to 
her order. 

I am waiting the hour of my public murder with great composure of mind and cheer- 
fulness, feeling the strong assurance that in no other possible way could I be used to 
bo much advantage to the cause of good and of humanity, and that nothing that either 
I or all my family have sacrificed or suffered will be lost. The reflection that a wise and 
merciful, as well as just and holy God rules not the affairs of this world, but of all 
worlds, is a rock to set our feet upon under all circumstances, — even those more 
severely trying ones into which our own feelings and wrongs have placed us. I have 
now no doubt but that our seeming disaster will ultimately result in the most glorious 
success. So, my dear shattered and broken family, be of good cheer, and believe 
and trust in God with all your heart, and with all your soul, for he doeth all things 
well. Do not feel ashamed on my account, nor for one moment despair of the cause 
or grow weary of well doing. I bless God I never felt stronger confidence in the cer- 
tain and near appi'oach of a bright morning and glorious day than I have felt, and do 
now feel, since my confinement here. I am endeavoring to return, like a poor prod- 
igal as I am, to my Father, against whom I have always sinned, in the hope that he 
may kindly and forgivingly meet me, though a great way off. 

Oh, my dear wife and children, would to God you could know how I have been 
travailing in birth for you all, that no one of you may fail of the grace of God. 

Through Jesus Christ, — that no one of you may be blind to the truth and glorious 
light of his Word, in which life and immortality arc brought to light, I beseech you 
every one, to make the Bible your daily and nightly study, witli a child-like, honest, 
candid, reachable spirit of love and respect for your husband and father. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 07 

And I beseech the God of my fathers to open all your eyes to the discovery of the 
truth. You cannot imagine how much you may soon need the consolations of the 
Christian religion. Circumstances like my own, for more than a month past, have 
convinced me beyond all doubt of our great need of some theories treasured up for 
use, when our prejudices are excited, our vanity worked up to the highest pitch. 
Oh, do not trust jour eternal all upon the boisterous ocean, without even a helm or 
compass to aid you in steering. I do not ask of you to throw away your reason ; I 
only ask you to make a candid, sober use of your reason. 

My dear younger children, will you listen to this last poor admonition of one who can 
only love you ? Oh ! be determined at once to give your whole heart to God, and let 
nothing shake or alter that resolution. You need have no fears of regretting it. Do 
not bo vain and thoughtless, but sober-minded ; and let me entreat you all to love the 
whole remnant of our once great family. Try and build up again your brakes walls, 
and to make the utmost of every stone that is left. Nothing can so tend to make life 
a blessing as the consciousness that your life and example bless and leave you the 
stronger. Still, it is ground of the utmost comfort to my mind to know that so many 
of you as have had the opportunity have given some proof of your fidelity to the great 
family of men. Be faithful unto death ; from the exercise of habitual love to man it 
cannot be very hard to love his Maker. 

I must yet insert the reason for my firm belief in the divine inspiration of the Bible, 
notwithstanding I am, perhaps, naturally skeptical, certainly not credulous. I wish all 
to consider it most thoroughly, when you read that blessed book, and see whether you 
cannot discover such evidence yourselves. It is the purity of heart feeling our mind3 
as well as work and actions, which is every where insisted on, that distinguishes it 
from all the other teachings, that commends it to my conscience. Whether my heart 
be willing and obedient or not, the inducement that it holds out is another reason of 
my convictions of its truth and genuineness ; but I do not here omit this my last argu- 
ment on the Bible, that eternal life is what my soul is panting after this moment. I 
mention this as a reason for endeavoring to leave a valuable copy of the Bible to be 
carefully preserved in remembrance of me, to so many of my posterity, instead of 
some other book at equal cost. 

I beseech you all to live in habitual contentment, with moderate circumstances and 
gains of worldly store, and earnestly to teach this to your children and children's chil- 
dren after you, by example as well as precept. Be determined to know by expe- 
rience, as soon as may be, whether Bible instruction is of divine origin or not. Be 
sure to owe no man anything, but to love one another. John Rogers wrote to his chil- 
dren, " Abhor that arrant whore of Borne." John Brown writes to his children to 
abhor, with undying hatred also, that sum of all villanies, — Slavery. Remember, he 
that is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth in spirit than he 
that taketh a city. Bemember, also, that they, being wise, shall shine, and they that 
turn many to righteousness as the stars for ever and ever. 

And now, dearly beloved family, to God and the work of His Grace I commend you 
all. Your affectionate husband and father, 

John Brown. 

john brown's letter to a young lady of springfield. 

Ciiaelestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 27, 1859. 

My Dear Miss : Your most kind and cheering letter of the 18th inst. is 

received. Although I have not been at all low spirited nor cast down in feeling since 
being imprisoned and under sentence, which I am fully aware is to be carried out, it 



58 THE JOHN BE OWN INVASION. 

is exceedingly gratifying to learn from friends that there are not wanting in this gen- 
eration some to sympathize -with me and appreciate my motive, even now that I am 
whipped. Success is in general the standard of all merit. I have passed my time 
here quite cheerfully ; still trusting that neither my life nor my death will prove a 
total loss. As regards both, however, I am liable to mistake. It affords me some sat- 
isfaction to feel conscious of having at least tried to better the condition of those who 
are always on the under hill side, and am in hopes of being able to meet the conse- 
quences without a murmur. I am endeavoring to get ready for another field of action, 
where no defeat befalls the truly brave. That " God reigns," and most wisely, and 
controls all events, might, it would seem, reconcile those who believe it, to much that 
appears to be very disastrous. I am one who have tried to believe that, and still keep 
trying. Those who die for the truth may prove to be courageous at last, so I continue 
" hoping on " till I shall find that the truth must finally prevail. I do not feel in the 
least degree despondent, nor degraded by my circumstances, and I entreat my friends 
not to grieve on my account. You will please excuse a very poor and short letter, as 
I get more than I can possibly answer. I send my best wishes to your kind mother, 
and to all the family, and to all the true friends of humanity. And now, dear friends, 
God be with you all, and ever guide and bless you ! 

Your friend, John Broavn. 



EFFORTS FOR A WRIT OF ERROR. 

While the brief time allotted to Captain Brown between his conviction and 
execution was occupied with such interviews with his friends, and such correspondence 
as is given in the previous pages, an effort was made to reach a revision of the pro- 
ceedings through the " Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia," the highest judicial 
tribunal of the Commonwealth. 

The indictment consisted of four counts, and was for treason, advising and con- 
spiring ivith slaves and others to rebel, and for murder. Captain Brown was impleaded 
with his associate prisoners in the same indictment, but his trial was separate. 

The writ of error was sought on ten different grounds, and the petition for the writ 
was supported by the certificate of the Hon. Samuel Chilton, of Washington, D. C, 
and the Hon. William Green, an eminent jurist of Richmond, Va. The petition 
was attended by a " Statement of Reasons," prepared and signed by the same dis- 
tinguished counsel, which, for brevity's sake, was confined to four only of the ten 
grounds relied upon ; it being deemed that the " Reasons " applying to those four 
grounds, amplified by an argumentative statement and illustration of them, and 
supported by full and carefully arranged authorities, were, unquestionably, adequate 
to the purpose of procuring a grant of the writ. The return of the writ of error 
would then be followed by an argument on the part of the Commonwealth and of the 
petitioners, when every ground open on the record would be resorted to for the pur- 
pose of securing a reversal of the judgment. 

The usual course of proceedings before the Court of Appeals, it is said, is to pre- 
sent the petition, when, if the proceedings complained of are not found to be 
"plainly right," the writ issues from the Court of Appeals to the lower tribunal, com- 



THE J II N BROWN INVASION. 59 

manding it to certify its record up to that Court. On the presentation of the petition 
no argument is heard. The Supreme Court of Appeals, we suppose, is presumed by 
law to be capable of perceiving whether a judgment is "plainly right" without discus- 
sion ; and also, we suppose, that it is further presumed to be sufficiently cautious and 
conscientious not to declare a record "plainly right" unless it is so; — that is to sav, 
unless its correctness is so plain that there is no room for genuine difference of 
opinion between any two persons competent to conduct such an investigation. If 
two such persons might differ, then the judgment complained of cannot be "plainly 
right" since that which plainly exists will surely be visible to one competent mind a3 
well as to another. 

In order to facilitate the discussion and to save needless trouble, Messrs. Green 
and Chilton, and the Attorney General of Virginia, agreed to be ready and to argue 
the case in full, — with the consent of the Court — on the presentation of the petition, 
without awaiting the issuing and return of the writ of error. To this, however, the 
Court of Appeals did not assent, on the ground that such a course was unusual. 

Thereupon, the papers being presented to the Court, the five judges retired, and 
after deliberation, returned again, with a refusal to entertain the subject further, and 
to grant a writ of error, — for the reason that the judgment of the County Court was 
"plainly right." 

The refusal to hear any argument enabled the Court, without violation of its cus- 
tomary practice, to render a decision without any statement of the reasons influencing 
their conclusion ; whereas, had the writ been issued, and the case been fully heard, 
the Court would have found it necessary to deliver a formal opinion embodying their 
conclusions, and to have supported it by argument and authority. 

It is well known that several eminent jurists who had examined the points made in 
behalf of the petitioner, concurred in the opinion, not only that they demanded judi- 
cial consideration, but that some of them were of such value as fairly to entitle the 
petitioner, if dispassionately treated, to expect a favorable decision. 

It is certainly to be regretted, (though not in view of the progress of liberty, and 
of its ultimate early triumph,) that the executive and judicial authorities of Virginia 
proved themselves to be inadequate to the lofty, though difficult duty, of holding with 
even hands the reins of authority, surmounting the passions of the hour and the 
occasion, and of directing the storm. 

Sincere lovers of pure justice, — great men equal to the responsibilities of great- 
ness, patriotically devoted to the preservation of public liberty and the union of the 
American States, — would have been careful in an exigency like this to have held up 
the Commonwealth of Virginia before the people of America, — a spectacle of for- 
bearance, patience, cautiousness and magnanimity. Thus Virginia would have 
strengthened her position and influence in the family of States, and would have given 
assurance of her fidelity and her patriotism. But, unhappily, the counsels of Virginia 
are distracted and perverted by men who know no sentiment so strong as that of dis- 
like to the institutions of the North, and the freedom which distinguishes its people, 
and which is so inconsistent with, and impossible to, a society encumbered with slaves. 



60 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

Determined to perpetuate the existence of slavery, and, if possible, to render it 
dominant everywhere, fighting desperately against the eternal laws, written alike in 
human history and in human natures, they, and many others throughout the South, 
have for a series of years regarded their constitutional alliance with the Free States 
an impediment and a burden. They desire absolute freedom from all its restraints, 
in order that a grand southern, slave-breeding, importing, and extending government, 
controlled by fillibusters and speculators in politics, lands, and negroes, may be 
brought into being, and so organized as to give all political power to this slaveholdinf 
class, and to keep down, and crush out — what such men most of all are in dread of, — 
the growth of emancipationism in the South itself. 

The case of John Brown has been managed, both by the executive and the judi- 
ciary, in the spirit either of great and undignified and nervous apprehension, or else 
of substantial disunionism. He was tried under circumstances absolutely forbidding 
fairness and calm impartiality. He was convicted of treason, when no man who ever 
read his trial, but knows that treason was no part of his scheme ; for exciting and 
advising slaves to rebel, when his aim and effort was only to aid and promote their 
escape from slavery. He was convicted of murder, in a case of technical guilt, where 
it was plain that he was tender of human life, and seemed himself, in the use of 
violence, to have acted only in self-defence. Brave, devoted, pious, and humane, he 
belonged to the category of enthusiasts or fanatics. It is a necessary perversion of 
tei'ms to call such a man a felon. The legal name given to his act ; the moral quality 
of the act itself — if it had been perpetrated by another, and under other impulses, 
and from other motives ; its folly ; its dangerous consequences, may be urged by su- 
perficial reasoners, — but they are not to the purpose. 

The wise and philosophic reader of history and of men ; the clear-eyed, simple- 
hearted patriot cannot fail to see that here was a case demanding a treatment which 
recognized the moral qualities of the man, and the moral sentiment of enlightened 
humanity all over the world. In defiance of that sentiment and heedless of those 
qualities, exhibited with so much heroism, and in a cause so unselfish, Brown was 
treated by Virginia as they would have treated a burglar, who had murdered a 
household, and plundered the house. 

A writ of error, in order to bring before the Supreme Court of the United States 
the question of jurisdiction claimed by Virginia over the arsenal grounds at Harper's 
Ferry was contemplated, but the points taken at the trial, and the state of the record, 
did not render it possible. The counsel for the defence were satisfied, as it is under- 
stood, that such ai*e the reservations in the deed of cession from Virginia to the 
United States, that the jurisdiction of Virginia could not be successfully impeached. 

It is worthy of remembrance, however, that Virginia does not recognize any power 
in the Supreme Court of the United States to revise a judgment of her highest tri- 
bunal. That power was long ago denied in the Virginia Court of Appeals. And it 
was well understood that Virginia would not have obeyed the mandate of the Su- 
preme Court of the United States in the case of John Brown, on well understood and 
well settled principles of constitutional law, held and affirmed by the judiciary. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. CI 

MRS. BROWN'S VISIT TO HER HUSBAND. 
On Wednesday night previous to the execution Mrs. Brown arrived at Harper's 
Ferry from Baltimore, under the escort of Mr. J. Miller McKim and lady of Philadel- 
phia and a gentleman named Tisdale. She brought a passport from Gov. "Wise, which 
had been sent to her at Philadelphia, of which the following is a copy. 

A PASSPORT FROM GOV. WISE. 

Richmond, Va., Nov. 20, 1850. 
To Mrs. Mary A. Brown — now in Philadelphia : 

Madam: Yours of the 21st inst, addressed to me from Philadelphia, came to my 
hand this morning. Believe me, Madam, I sadly thank you for your trust in my feel- 
ings as a man. Your situation touches those feelings deeply. Sympathizing as I do 
with your affliction, you shall have the exertion of my authority and personal influence 
to assist you in gathering up the bones of your sons and your husband in Virginia, for 
decent and tender interment among their-kindred. 

I am happy, Madam, that you seem to have the wisdom and virtue to appreciate my 
position of duty. Would to God that public consideration could avert his doom, for 
the Omniscient knows that I take not the slightest pleasure in the execution of any 
whom the laws condemn. May He have mercy on the erring and the afflicted ! 

Inclosed is an order to Major General William B. Taliaferro, in command at 
Charlestown, Va., to deliver to your order the mortal remains of your husband when 
all shall be over, to be delivered to your agent at Harper's Ferry ; and if you attend 
the reception in person, to guard you sacredly in your solemn mission. 

With tenderness and truth, I am, very respectfully, your humble servant, 

Henry A. Wise. 

The following official orders to the Commander in Chief of the Military forces at 
Charlestown and to the Sheriff of Jefferson County were enclosed in the above. 

GOV. WISE TO GEN. TALIAFERRO. 

Richmond, Nov. 2G, 185D. 
To Major General Wm. B. Taliaferro, in command at Charlestown : 

Sir : When John Brown is executed on Friday, the 2d proximo, you will place his 
mortal remains under strict guard and project them from all mutilation. Place them 
in a plain, decent coffin, and have them taken to Harper's Ferry, there to await the 
orders and agent of Mrs. Mary A. Brown, who has a duplicate of this order. You will 
also allow the bodies of her sons, who fell at Harper's Ferry, to be disinterred and taken 
by her or her agent or order. 

Respectfully, yours, 

Henry A. Wise. 

gov. wise to the sheriff. 

Richmond, Nov. 27, 1859. 

TO THE SnERIFF OF THE COUNTY OF JEFFERSON, Va. 

Sir: The wife of John Brown, who is to be executed in your county on the 2d 
proximo, has requested that his body shall be delivered, after execution, to her. I ask 
that you will deliver it to a guard under the order of Gen. Taliaferro, who has orders 
from me to cause it to be conducted to Harper's Ferry, there to be delivered to the 
widow, or her agent or order. 

Very respectfully, yours, 

Henry A. Wise. 



62 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

The arrival of Mrs. Brown at the Ferry having been announced by telegraph at 
Charlestown, it was determined at once that her progress and arrival should be made 
the occasion of an imposing display, and arrangements were made for a strong 
military escort. At one o'clock, twenty-five of Captain Scott's cavalry corps — the 
Black Horse Bangers — surrounded the carriage at Charlestown in which Mrs. Brown 
was to be brought to the prison in which her husband was confined, and with much 
clashing of arms and glittering display the procession departed, bearing peremptory 
orders from Gen. Taliaferro not only to prevent the companions of Mrs. Brown from 
proceeding any farther, but to compel their immediate return to the North by the first 
train. 

When Mrs. Brown was informed that her companions would not be permitted to 
accompany her any farther, she exhibited some degree of uneasiness. Captain Moore, 
of Richmond, who happened to be at Harper's Ferry on his return from Richmond 
whither he had been on a furlough, thought proper under these circumstances to tender 
his services as an escort, which she cheerfully accepted. They then stepped into the 
carriage, which was in readiness, and immediately set out for their destination under 
the escort of the Mounted Riflemen. 

Upon the arrival of the cavalcade at Charlestown the military went through maneu- 
vers in Scott's manual, named and nameless, and which were well calculated to impress 
the beholder with the wonderful effectiveness of a Virginian regiment at a general 
muster, but in a no more sanguinary conflict. At last, however, Mrs. Brown, was ad- 
mitted to the jail. She was kindly received by Colonel and Mrs. Avis, the jailer and 
his lady. Mrs. Avis, by orders of the powers that be, conducted Mrs. Brown into a 
private apartment, where her clothing was searched for concealed weapons, or other 
means which the morbid suspicion of the Virginia army of occupation suggested 
Mrs. Brown might surreptitiously convey to her husband. 

In the meantime, Captain Brown had been informed that his wife had arrived. The 
announcement was made by Gen. Taliaferro, when the following dialogue took place : 

" Captain Brown, how long do you desire this interview to last ? " 

" I hope that it may be two or three hours. " 

" I do not think," said Gen. Taliaferro, " that I can grant so long a time." 

" Well," answered Brown, " I ask nothing of you, sir ; I beg nothing from the State 
of Virginia. Carry out your orders, General, that is enough. I am content." The 
interview was, however, allowed to last four hours. 

This fact, says the correspondent of the Tribune, was given to an acquaintance of 
mine by a Virginia gentleman, as an illustration of Capt. Brown's courage and bravery. 
He did not see in it the scathing rebuke to the pusillanimity of a great State, which, 
with a cordon of two thousand and five hundred men, would not protract the last inter- 
view between a brave man and his sorrowing wife. 

THE LAST INTERVIEW. 

Mrs. Brown was led into the cell by the jailer. Her husband rose, and, as she en- 
tered, received her in his arms. No word was spoken ; but, if we may believe Captain 
Avis, their silence was more eloquent than any utterance could have been. For somo 
minutes they stood speechless — Mrs. Brown resting her head upon her husband's 
breast, and clasping his neck with her arms. At length they sat down, and spoke; — ■ 



TIIE JOIIN BROWN INVASION. G3 

and from Captain Avis, who was the only witness of that sorrowful scene, (his fellow 
prisoner Stephens having been placed in an adjoining cell before the entrance of 
Mrs. Brown), the following record comes: 

John Brown spoke first : " Wife, I am glad to sec you," ho said. 

" My dear husband, it is a hard fate." 

" Well, well ; cheer up. We must all bear it in the best manner we can. I believe 
it is all for the best." 

" Our poor children ; God help them." 

" Those that arc dead to this world arc angels in another. How are all those still 
living ? Tell them their father died without a single regret for the course he has pur- 
sued — that he is satisfied he is right in the eyes of God and of all just men." 

Mrs. Brown then spoke of their remaining children, and their home. Brown's voice, 
as he alluded to the bereavements of his family, was broken with emotion. After a 
brief pause, Brown said : 

"Mary, I would like you to get the bodies of our two boys who were killed at 
Harper's Ferry, also the bodies of the two Thompsons, and, after I am dead, place U3 
all together on a wood pile, and set fire to the wood, burn the flesh, then collect our 
bones and put them in a large box, then have the box carried to our farm in Essex 
County and there bury us." 

Mrs. Brown said, " I really cannot consent to do this. I hope you will change your 
mind on this subject. I do not think permission would be granted to do any such thing. 
For my sake, think no more of such an idea." 

" Well, well," Brown answered, " do not worry or fret about it ; I thought the plan 
would save considerable expense, and was the best." 

Mrs. Brown observed a chain about the ankles of her husband. To avoid its galling 
his limbs, he had put on two pairs of woollen socks. Mrs. Brown said she was desirous 
of procuring the chain as a family relic. She had already at her home the one with 
which the limbs of John Brown, Jr., were inhumanely shackled in Kansas, and in which 
he was goaded on by the Border devils until he was mad, and the chain had worn 
through his flesh to the bone ; and this, too, she desired. Captain Brown said he had 
himself asked that it be given to his family, and had been refused. 

Mrs. Brown then spoke of Gerritt Smith, and asked if her husband had heard of the 
affliction that had visited him. Brown answered : 

" Yes, I have read something about it." 

" Do you know that he is now in Utica ? " said Mrs. Brown. 

" Yes, I have been so informed; he was a good friend, and I exceedingly regret his 
misfortune. How is he ; have you heard from him lately ? " 

' Yes, I heard direct from him a few days ago. He was thought to be improving." 

" I am really glad to hear it." 

Nothing more was said upon this subject. 

The conversation then turned upon matters of business, which Brown desired to 
have arranged after his death. He gave his wife all the letters and papers which were 
needed for this purpose, and read to her the will which had been drawn up for him by 
Mr. Hunter, carefully explaining every portion of it. The document is as follows : 

THE LAST "WILL AND TESTAMENT OF JOHN BROWN. 

Chaelestown, Jefferson County, Va., December 1st, 1859. 
I give to my son, John Brown, Jr., my surveyor's compass and other surveyor's arti- 
cles, if found; also, my old granite monument, now at North Elba, N. Y., to receive 



G4 the joiin brown invasion. 

upon its two sides a further inscription, as I will hereafter direct ; said stone monu- 
ment, however, to remain at North Elba so long as any of my children and my wife 
may remain there as residents. 

I give to my son Jason Brown my silver watch, with my name engraved on inner 
case. 

I give to my son Owen Brown my double-spring opera-glass, and my rifle-gun (if 
found.) presented to me at Worcester, Mass. It is globe sighted and new. I give, 
also, to the same son $50 in cash, to be paid him from the proceeds of my father's 
estate, in consideration of his terrible sufi'erings in Kansas and his crippled condition 
from childhood. 

I give to my son Solomon Brown $50 in cash to be paid him from my father's estate, 
as an offset to the first two cases above named. 

I give to my daughter Ruth Thompson, my large old Bible containing the family 
record. 

I give to each of my sons, and to each of my oilier daughters, my son-in-law, Henry 
Thompson, and to each of my daughters-in-law, as good a copy of the Bible as can be 
purchased at some bookstore in New York or Boston at a cost of $5 each in cash ; to 
be paid out of the proceeds of my father's estate. 

I give to each of my grandchildren, that may be living when my father's estate is 
settled, as good a copy of the Bible as can be purchased (as above) at a cost of S3 
each. t 

All the Bibles to be purchased at one and the same time, for cash, on the best 
terms. 

I desire to have ($50) fifty dollars each paid out of the final proceeds of my father's 
estate, to the following named persons, to wit : To Allen Hammond, Esq., of Roek- 
ville, Tolland County, Conn., or to George Kellogg, Esq., former agent of the New 
England Company at that place, for the use and benefit of that company. Also, $50 to 
Silas Havens, formerly of Lewisburg, Summit County, O., if he can be found ; also, 
$50 to a man of Storck County, O., at Canton, who sued my father in hie lifetime, 
through Judge Humphrey and Mr. Upson of Akron/ to be paid by J. R. Brown to the 
man in person, if he can be found. His name I cannot remember. My father made 
a compromise with the man by taking our house and lot at Manneville. I desire that 
any remaining balance that may become my due from my father's estate may be paid 
in equal amounts to my wife, and to each of my children, and to the widows of Wat- 
son and Owen Brown, by my brother. John Brown. 
Joiin Avis, Witness. 

In reference to the tombstone here alluded to, Brown appeared very anxious. The 
inscription was drawn up by Brown himself, and handed to his wife, who has it in her 
possession. Speaking of the parties to whom sums are directed to be paid he said : 
" Dear Mary, if you can find these pay them personally, but do not pay any one who 
may present himself as their attorneys, for if it gets into the hands of attorneys we 
do not know what will become of it." 

Subsequently he requested his wife to make a denial of the statement that had 
gained publicity, that he had said in his interview with Gov. Wise that he had been 
actuated by feelings of revenge. He denied that he had ever made such statement, 
and wished his denial made known ; and he denied further that any such base motives 
had ever been his incentive action. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 65 

After this Mr. and Mrs. Brown took supper together. This occupied only a few 
minutes. Their last sorrowful meal being concluded, and the time approaching at 
which they must part, Mrs. Brown asked to be permitted to speak to the other prison- 
ers. But Gen. Taliaferro's orders forbade this, though C'apt. Avis expressed a will- 
ingness to permit her to see them even at the risk of violating orders. She declined 
to see them under the circumstances. The prisoners were much gratified to learn this 
fact, and I was informed by Capt. Avis that Coppic wrote a beautiful and feeling 
letter to Mrs. Brown during the morning. It was remarkable for its allusions to Capt. 
Brown and his trials, and the fullness of sympathy expressed for her and the members 
of her family, without mentioning his own situation at all. 

Brown then touched upon business affairs, until an order was received from the 
Commander-in-Chief, saying that the interview must terminate. Brown then said : 
" Mary, I hope you will always live in Essex County. I hope you will be able to get 
all our children together, and impress the inculcation of the right principles to each 
succeeding generation. I give you all the letters and papers which have been sent me 
6ince my arrest. I wish you also to take all my clothes that are here, and carry them 
home. Good by, good by. God bless you ! " 

As he handed the papers to her in the cell, he said : " I have something else to add 
to my statement; perhaps I v,hi have time to do it to-morrow." And, turning to 
Capt. Avis, he said : " What is the hour to-morrow ? " " Eleven o'clock," was the 
answer, in a solemn tone. 

On looking over the papers received with the body, Mrs. Brown found an adden- 
dum in writing, beginning, " I have time to add," &c. — indicating that it must have 
been written just before he left the jail for the scaffold. The document referred to 
the affairs of his family. 

The letter of Coppie reads as follows : 

LETTER FROM EDWIN COPPIE TO MRS. BROWN. 

Charlestown Jail, Va., Nov. — , 1859. 

Mrs. John Brown — Dear Madam : I was very sorry that your request to see 
the rest of the prisoners was not complied with. Mrs. Avis brought me a book, whose 
pages are full of truth and beauty, entitled " Voices of the True-IIearted," which she 
told me was a present from you. For this dear token of remembrance, please accept 
my many thanks. 

My comrade, J. E. Cook, and myself, deeply sympathize with you in your sad be- 
reavement. We were both acquainted with Anna and Martha. They were to us as 
6isters, and as brothers we sympathize with them in the dark hour of trial and afflic- 
tion. 

I was with your sons when they fell. Oliver lived but a very few moments after he 
was shot. He spoke no word, but yielded calmly to his fate. Watson was shot at 10 
o'clock on Monday morning, and died about 3 o'clock on Wednesday morning. He 
Buffered much. Though mortally wounded at 10 o'clock, yet at 3 o'clock Monday 
afternoon he fought bravely against the men who charged on us. When the enemy 
were repulsed, and the excitement of the charge was over, he began to sink rapidly. 



QQ THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

After we were taken prisoners, he was placed in the guard-house with me. He 
complained of the hardness of the bench on which he was lying. I begged hard for a 
bed for him, or even a blanket, but could obtain none for him. I took off my coat and 
placed it under him, and held his head in my lap, in which position he died, without a 
groan or struggle. 

I have stated these facts, thinking that they may afford to you, and to the bereaved 
widows they have left, a mournful consolation. 

Give my love to Anna and Martha, with our last farewell. 

Yours, truly, Edwin Coppie. 

The bitterness of parting was brief. Mrs. Brown was led away with the utmost 
consideration by Capt. Avis, and, soon after 8 o'clock, was on her way again to Har- 
per's Ferry. During the passage, Capt. Moore, who sat beside her, did not fail to 
present to her arguments in favor of the blessings of Slavery — pointing out, by way 
of example, a troop of negroes disporting by the roadside. 

After his wife's departure Brown wrote until midnight, when he retired. At day- 
break he resumed his labor with undiminished energy. 

TIIE HOUR AND THE MAN. 

The 2d of December broke with a fair, unclouded sky, and a spring-like tempera- 
ture. The scenes in and around Charlestown had lost none of their activity. Patrols 
had been sent out in all directions early in the morning. Bayonets gleamed in all 
quarters. Two twelve-pound brass howitzers were stationed in front of the jail, and 
another twelve-pounder was posted on the road leading to the field in which the scaf- 
fold had been erected. All business was suspended, as in fact it had been almost from 
the beginning of the excitement. 

The scaffold stood in the centre of a stubble-field. On one side a flight of twelve 
steps led to the stand ; on the other there was no approach. 

No spectators were admitted within the field except the soldiers on duty, with a few 
representatives of the press. The troops were formed into an irregular square around 
the scaffold, beyond speaking distance from it. The number of the military was esti- 
mated at five thousand. 

Within the jail, as the time approached, everybody was excited but the prisoner. 
Capt. Brown sat at his table busily engaged in writing, apparently with as much un- 
concern as if he had known nothing of the tragedy which was that day to be enacted, 
and of which he himself was to be the victim. He was appending some final words to 
his will. 

On the entrance of Gen. Taliaferro to announce to the prisoner when he should 
prepare for execution, Capt. Brown looked up from his pen and ink, and asked — 

" What is to be the hour, General ? " 

" Eleven o'clock," was the reply. 

"Well, I will try and finish in time," said the old man coolly, and returned to spend 
the last few moments at his writing. 

What could better indicate his marvellous intrepidity than such a heroic reply, 
uttered in the very face of death ! 

At eleven o'clock Capt. Brown was led out of his cell by Sheriff Campbell and 
Capt. Avis, with their assistants. He was conducted to the cells of the other prisoners, 
that he might have a momentary interview with each before his death. He first met 
Copeland and Green, to whom he said — 

" Stand up like men, and do not betray your friends." 



THE JOIIN BROWN INVASION, 



C9 



He handed to each a quarter of a dollar, adding that he had now no further use; ,; t 
money. 

He visited Cook and Coppic, who were chained together, and remarked to Cook, 
" You have made false statements." Cook asked, " What do you mean ? " Brown 
answered, " Why, by stating that I sent you to Harper's Ferry." Cook replied, " Did 
you not tell me in Pittsburg to come to Harper's Ferry and see if Forbes had made 
any disclosures ? " Brown returned, " No sir ; you know I protested against your 
coining." Cook added, " Captain Brown, we remember differently ; " at the same 
time dropping his head. 

The reports by telegraph to the daily papers say: 

" Brown then turned to Coppie, and said, ' Coppie, you also made false statements, 
but I am glad to hear you have contradicted them. Stand up like a man.' He also 
handed him a quarter." 

We have authority for stating that no such address was made to Coppie. Great 
injustice is done to a man of known truthfulness and courage by the implication, incor- 
rectly put into the mouth of his leader, that he had in any respect played false. 

The prisoner was then taken to Stephens' cell. The two fellow-prisoners kindly in- 
terchanged greetings. Stephens said, *' Good bye, Captain, I know you are going to a 
better land." Brown replied, " I know I am." 

Capt. Brown told the Sheriff that he was ready. 

THE EXECUTION. 

On leaving the jail, John Brown had on his face an expression of calmness and se- 
renity characteristic of the patriot who is about to die with a living consciousness that 
he is laying down his life for the good of his fellow-creatures. His face was even joy- 
ous, and a forgiving smile rested upon his lips. His was the bghtest heart, among 
friend or foe, in the whole of Charlestown that day, and not a word was spoken that 
was not an intuitive appreciation of his manly courage. Firmly and with elastic step 
he moved forward. No flinching of a coward's heart there. He stood in the midst of 
that organized mob, from whose despotic hearts petty tyranny seemed for the nonce 
eliminated by the admiration they had in once beholding a man — for John Brown 
was there every inch a man. 

As he stepped out of the door a black woman, with her little child in arms, stood 
near his way. The twain were of the despised race, for whose emancipation and ele- 
vation to the dignity of children of God, he was about to lay down his life. His 
thoughts at that moment none can know except as his acts interpret them. He 
stopped for a moment in his course, stooped over, and with the tenderness of one 
whose love is as broad as the brotherhood of man, kissed it affectionately. That mo- 
ther will be proud of that mark of distinction for her offspring, and some day, when 
over the ashes of John Brown the temple of Virginia liberty is reared, she may join in 
the joyful song of praise which on that soil will do justice to his memory. 

The vehicle which was to convey Brown to the scaffold was a furniture wagon. On 
the front seat was the driver, a man named Hawks, said to be a native of Massachu- 
setts, but for many years a resident of Virginia, and by his side was seated Mr. Sadler, 
the undertaker. In the box was placed the coffin, made of black walnut, inclosed in 
a poplar box with a flat lid, in which coffin and remains were to be transported from 
the county. John Brown mounted the wagon, and took his place in the seat with 
Capt. Avis, the jailer — whose admiration of his prisoner is of the profoundest nature. 
Mr. Sadler, too, was one of Brown's stanchest friends in his confinement, and pays a 
noble tribute to his manly qualities. 



THE JOHN BKOWN INVASION. 

i hat a beautiful country you have," said Capt. Brown to Capt. Avis. 
After v ' Yes," was the response. 
np l " It seems the more beautiful to behold because I have so long been shut from it." 

" You are more cheerful than I am, Capt. Brown," said Mr. Sadler. 

" Yes," said the Captain, " I ought to be." He continued, " I see no citizens here 
— where are they ? " 

" The citizens are not allowed to be present — none but the soldiers," was the reply. 

" That ought not to be," said the old man, "citizens should be allowed to be present 
as well as others." 

The field on which the gallows was erected contains about forty acres, part of it in 
corn stubble, but the greater part in grass, the surface undulating. A broad 
hillock near the public road was selected as the site for the gallows, because it would 
afford the distant spectators a fair view, and place the prisoner so high that if com- 
pelled to fire upon him, the soldiers need not shoot each other or the civilians. The 
field was bounded on the south by the road, on the north by a pretty bit of woodland, 
and on the remaining tAro sides by inclosed fields. 

The sun shone with great splendor as the prisoner's escort came up, and afar off 
could be seen the bright gleaming muskets and bayonets of his body-guard, hedging 
him in, in close ranks all about. On the field the several companies glittered with 
the same sparkle of guns and trappings, and the gay colors of their uniforms, made 
more intense in the glare, came out into strong relief with the dead tints of sod and 
woods. Away off to the east and south, the splendid mass of the Blue B,idge loomed 
against the sky, and shut in the horizon. 

Over the woods, toward the north-east, long thin stripes of clouds had gradually 
accumulated, and foreboded the storm that came in due time ; while, looking toward 
the south, the eye took in an undulating fertile country, stretching out to the distant 
mountains. All Nature seemed at peace, and the shadow of the approaching solem- 
nity seemed to have been cast over the soldiers, for there was not a sound to be heard 
as the column came slowly up the road. There was no band of musicians to heighten 
the effect of the scene by playing the march of the dead, but with solemn tread the 
heavy footfalls came, as if those of one man. 

The wagon passed half around the gallows to the east side, where it halted. The 
flag of Virginia was planted beside the scaffold, and the flag of the United States in a 
corner of the field. A sudden evolution of the military was made, the troops taking 
the different stations (marked by white flags) which had been assigned them on the 
grounds. A body-guard, composed of the Petersburg Grays, which had closely 
surrounded the prisoner, and marched with him to the scaffold, now opened their 
ranks, to allow him to pass through. Capt. Brown descended from the wagon with 
the assistance of two men, and with a firm step and erect form walked past the 
sheriff, the jailer, and several officers standing near, and was the first person to mount 
the scaffold steps ! 

ON THE SCAFFOLD. 
He ascended the stairs, and advanced with a quick and elastic tread, showing that 
his courage only grew greater as the end drew near ! What man of those five thou- 
sand witnesses, in the uniform of soldiers, was half so brave as John Brown ? He 
threw off his felt hat gracefully, and ran his hand through his gray hair. He cast a 
glance about him, principally in the direction of the people in the distance. Then turn- 
ing to his jailer, he remarked, " Sir, I have no words to thank you for your kindness." 
This was his grateful farewell to a man who had treated him, from the beginning 
of his imprisonment to the end, with groat courtesy and friendliness. 



THE JOHN BROWS INVASION. GO 

No clergyman attended him in his last hours. He would accept no religious rites 
from men who defended slavery as a divine institution. As no anti-slavery minister 
was to be found in the neighborhood, he preferred to have none at all. 

His elbows and ankles were then pinioned; the rope — a slender tarred hemp 
cord — was adjusted around his neck ; and the white cowl drawn over his head. The 
Sheriff requested him to step forward on the trap. The soldiers marched, counter- 
marched, and took position as if in face of an imaginary enemy — the prisoner mean- 
while standing bound, blinded and on the edge of deatli ! Capt. Avis asked, " Are you 
tired?" to which the undaunted old man replied from beneath his linen shroud, "No 
not tired ; but don't keep me waiting longer than is necessary." The Sheriff asked 
him if he would hold a handkerchief in his hand to drop as a signal when he was 
ready. He replied, " No, I do not want it ; but do not detain me longer than is abso- 
lutely necessary." 

At length, after a sufficient delay to vindicate the military prowess of Virginia, the 
signal was given, the rope was cut with a hatchet, the trap fell with a loud gratin^ of 
its hinges, and the old man was left swinging in the air ! 

The hands clenched spasmodically for nearly five minutes, before the rope did its 
final work. The body was allowed to hang half an hour, before the surgeons came for- 
ward to make their examination. It has been publicly stated that the rope cut a finger's 
depth into the neck ; it did not even cut through the skin ; it left only a dark blood 
mark. The Charlestown physicians were the first to come upon the scaffold. The 
body was swinging with the wind. They put their arms around it to hold it steady, 
and their ears to the breast to listen if the heart had still a throb. The military sur- 
geons then came forward and repeated the examination. Their object was to take 
good care that the old man should not be cut down before he was dead. la was even 
suggested that arsenic should be forced between the lips to make sure work ! Vir- 
ginia seems to have had an early premonition that it was to be no easy matter to put an 
end to John Brown. Nor have they put an end to him yet ! The moment the trap fell 
and the life was taken, John Brown became more dreaded than before ; for everv day 
that has passed since his martyrdom has only magnified him as a terror to the uneasy 
conscience of a people who trade in slaves. Three states sent ropes to hang him with 
before the Sheriff could find one strong enough to be trusted with the old man's neck ; 
South Carolina, Missouri and Kentucky ! But in five years, Missouri — in ten years, 
Kentucky — in twenty years, South Carolina, may remember with shame their too 
eager complicity with the brave man's death ! 

MRS. BROWN'S RETURN TO THE NORTH. 

Mrs. Brown sat in her room in the hotel at Charlestown during the long moraine 
of the execution. Her friends gathered close around her as the hour approached. 
The sunlight streamed beautifully through the window. It was almost impossible to 
realize that a day of such cheerfulness was to be a day of such sorrow. The only 
comfort in that distressing hour was the wife's unshaken faith that her husband would 
die bravely. And bravely did he die ! One of the gentlemen, taking out his watch 
at a quarter past eleven, remarked quietly, " It is all over ! " In a moment the fear- 
ful suspense gave way to a relieving grief. The strong-hearted woman — sorrow- 
stricken days and weeks before, but not until that moment widowed — gave way to 
convulsive weeping, and to the agony of a broken heart. But the remembrance of 
her husband's fortitude restored her own. She quickly composed herself to a 
remarkable degree, and began to make preparations for her return. 

The body, after the examination by the physicians, was taken to Harper's Ferry 



70 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

under a military escort, and delivered to Mrs. Brown's friends. It was immediately 
put in charge of Col. Shutt, of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, who safely guarded 
it until the departure of the train. 

On arrival at Philadelphia on Saturday at midday, it was met by a great multitude 
of persons, most of whom seemed to be friends and sympathizers, and many of whom 
■were colored people. The Mayor was present, with two hundred policemen. An 
immense meeting held the day before in National Hall, at the hour of execution, had 
created great excitement in the city. The Mayor's purpose was not known until the 
body arrived, when he very summarily called the committee of friends who were 
waiting to receive it, held a brief closeted interview with them in a baggage-car, 
announced his intention to forward the body out of the city by the first departing 
train, and gave to the friends the alternative of starting forward with it in twenty 
minutes, or of remaining behind while the coffin went on unattended and alone. 
This sudden stroke of state may show how near even a small mayor, on a great 
occasion, may approach to an emperor or czar. The remains were accordingly sent 
forward, in obedience to the despotic decree — accompanied only by two friends, Mrs. 
Brown remaining behind for a day's rest and quiet. She followed in the train of the 
next evening. 

The body arrived at New York on Saturday night, where it was put into the hands 
of an undertaker, and detained until Monday morning. No public demonstration was 
made, as Mrs. Brown had expressed a strong desire that the remains should pass 
unostentatiously to their final burial-place at North Elba, Essex county, in that State. 
The body, as it lay in death, appeared so fife-like that it might have been taken 
for a person in a quiet sleep. The face was marked by no unusual paleness, and the 
expression was dignified and stern. The old hero's character was plainly seen in his 
countenance. The appearance was that of a man of indomitable will and courage, 
whom no obstacle could deter or no danger appall, and who knew how 

"To suffer and be strong." 

Mrs. Brown arrived at New York on Sunday evening, passed the night with friends 
in Brooklyn, and started early on Monday morning, accompanied by Mr. Wendell 
Phillips and several others, on the journey to the final resting-place of her husband's 
remains, at his farm. It was Capt. Brown's expressed desire that his bones should be 
laid among his kindred in this obscure and sequestered region of the North, that the 
simplicity of his burial might be in harmony with the simplicity of his life. 

ARRIVAL AT TROY. 

The party reached Troy on Monday afternoon, at 2 o'clock, and stopped at the 
American House. The American House is a temperance hotel, and had been Capt. 
Brown's usual stopping-place when in that city. The landlord showed, with much 
pride, the autograph of John Brown in several places on his register, and said that he 
had been offered tempting prices if he would consent to part with them. The party 
only tarried long enough to make their connection with the next train North ; but, 
during this brief space, a large number of persons, including not a few of the colored 
class, sought and found an opportunity of shaking Mrs. Brown's hand, in token of 
their sympathy. They would have formed a procession to accompany her from the 
hotel to the depot, but a gentleman, fearing it might be painful to Mrs. Brown's feel- 
ings, and unwilling to add, even in the slightest degree, to her trials, discouraged 
them. 

It was at the American House that Oliver Brows took leave of his young bride in 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 71 

September last, shortly before the affair at Harper's Ferry, in which he lost his life. 
Mr. Brown had indicated it in his last interview with his wife, as a proper place for 
her to stop at on her way home. 

DEMONSTRATIONS OF RESPECT. 

Starting at 4 o'clock, p. m., the party reached Rutland, Vt., about 10; there they 
remained until 5 the next morning, at which hour they resumed their journey, and 
at 10, A. M., reached Vergennes, Vt., where they were most hospitably entertained. 
The news that the widow of John Brown had arrived with the body of her husband, 
spread like wild-fire. Soon the Hotel was. crowded by leading citizens of the place, 
who came to express their respect and sympathy. Carriages were provided in which 
to convey the body, and the party accompanying it to the lake shore. A procession 
was formed in front, noiselessly and in a very short space of time, and, when the hour 
came to start, all moved forward amid the tolling of solemn bells. Arrived at the 
bridge over Otter Creek, a distance of about a third of a mile, the gentlemen who 
formed the procession halted, and, forming themselves into a double line and uncover- 
ing their heads, allowed the body, with the stricken widow and her friends, to pas3 
through ; and thus they took their leave. It was a spontaneous tribute, and an af- 
fecting sight. 

At the lake shore a boat was in readiness, which deflecting from its usual course, 
landed them close by the town of West Port ; thus, by saving time and trouble, ac- 
celerating them on their journey. Mrs. Brown was now among the friends and famil- 
iar acquaintances of her husband, and every kindness that the occasion called for 
was freely bestowed, and her companions, too, shared in the good-will which was 
cherished for her. Without delay conveyances were provided, and the little party 
was soon on its way to Elizabethtown, where they were to tarry for the night. A 
heavy rain was falling, and the snow was disappearing so fast that it had been deemed 
best to dispense with sleighs and substitute carriage with wheels. On reaching Eliz- 
abethtown, which is the seat of justice of Essex County, the party stopped at the 
hotel kept by E. A. Adams, Esq., who is also Sheriff of the county. 

Mr. Adams at once offered the Court House as a place in which to deposit the body 
for the night, with an assurance that a little company should be found to guard it. 
This offer was accepted, and in a few minutes, raining as it was, and without any pre- 
vious notice, a respectable procession was formed, and the body borne to its temporary 
resting-place. The house was soon filled by the leading residents of the town, eager 
to learn from Messrs. Phillips and McKim all the particulars of the execution. They 
found it hard to realize that their old friend and fellow-citizen, the man whom they 
had known so well, and only known to respect and admire, had actually been put to 
death. They did not think that in the last extremity, Virginia would do the bloody 
deed. They did not see how Gov. Wise could have deliberately consented to the 
death of such a man. 

OVER TIIE MOUNTAINS. 

The party were now within twenty-five miles of their destination. But the road lay 
over a mountain, and was well-nigh impassable ; so that, short as was the distance, it 
would take the whole of the next day (Wednesday) to accomplish the journey. Mr. 
Henry Adams, a son of the sheriff, volunteered to start off in the night, with a swift 
horse, to notify the family of the party's approach. Six young men, including several 
lawyers of the place, took it upon themselves to sit up all night in the Court House as 



72 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

a guard of the body. Among the gentlemen who called to express their sympathy 
with Mrs. Brown, and pay their respects to her escort, were Judge Hall, the Hon. O. 
Kellogg, late Member of Congress, G. L. Nicholson, Esq., and many others, all without 
respect of party. 

At daylight the next morning (Wednesday) the journey was resumed. 

Slowly they climbed the mountain pass, and as slowly descended on the other side. 
The sun had set by the time they reached North Elba, and it was after night when 
they approached the house to which they were destined. 

THE HOME OF JOnN BROWN. 

As they drew nigh they saw moving lights, which, on their nearer approach, proved 
to be lanterns in the hands of men who had come out to meet them. By these they 
were conducted in silence to the house. Not a word was spoken. These friends had 
been waiting all the afternoon in anxious expectation, and unable to bear the sus- 
pense any longer, had come out to ascertain, if possible, the cause of the delay. The 
carriage which bore Mrs. Brown stopped at the door. She alighted with difficulty, 
being much agitated. Instantly there was a sharp, low cry of " Mother ! " and in 
answer another in the same tone of mingled agony and tenderness, " O ! Annie ! " and 
the mother and daughter were locked in a long, convulsed embrace. Then followed 
the same scene with the next daughter, Sarah ; and then Ellen, the little girl of five, 
was brought, and another burst of anguish and love ensued. Then came the daugh- 
ter-in-law, Oliver's widow, and "Watson's, and there went up a wail before which flint 
itself would have softened. It was a scene entirely beyond description. 

But soon all was composed. The strangers had been introduced. Emotion was 
put under restraint — a task which all true people know well how to perform — and 
all was quiet. The evening meal had been ready for some time, and the family and 
guests, who by this time had received some accessions to their number, took their 
seats. Supper was soon dispatched ; no one, cold and wearisome as had been the 
day's travel, was much disposed to eat. 

In a few moments Mrs. Brown came to Mr. McKim, saying that the family were all 
gathered in another room, waiting anxiously to hear a recital of what had happened, 
and we were all invited to join them. There was Salmon Brown, the only son at 
home, an intelligent looking and handsome man of 23, tall, stout, with rich auburn 
hair, and full and becoming beard ; then there was Kuth Thompson, the eldest daugh- 
ter, a child of John Brown, by his first wife ; then the daughters, and daughters-in- 
law already alluded to, besides some others whose names I do not recollect. 

Mr. McKim, at Mrs. Brown's request, began, and related, as well as he could in so 
short a space as was allowed, all that had happened of particular interest to them 
from the time of their mother's arrival in Philadelphia, on the 12th of November, up 
to that moment. 

CONSOLATION AND SYMPATHY. 

He made no comments on the refusal of General Taliaferro to allow either of 
Mrs. Brown's companions to accompany her to Charlestown ; nor did he call attention 
to the fact, while stating it, that though their mother had arrived at Harper's Ferry at 
7 o'clock A. M. on Thursday, she was not allowed to visit their father till 3 o'clock P. M. 
of the day following ; and that then the interview was limited to a space of time not 
much over two hours. He was careful in his relation to say nothing that would need- 
lessly inflame their bleeding wounds. When he came to tell of the disinterment of the 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 73 

bodies of Oliver and Watson, or rather the attempt at disinterment, lie had a difficult 
part to perform. Isabel, the widow of Watson, was unavoidably absent at the time ; 
but the big, tender, anxious eyes of Martha, the interesting widow of Oliver, were intent 
upon him, and for a moment he seemed embarrassed, — but, with a few words on the 
comparative unimportance of what becomes of one's body after the spirit, which is its 
life, has taken its flight, and upon the natural changes in the human tissues which in 
the lapse of time must necessarily take place, he added that Col. Barber had given his 
assurance that all the bodies should be disinterred and reburied with becoming decency, 
and then passed on to other topics. He told them as much as he could recall of what 
had been related to him of their father's last hours, and lingered, evidently to their 
great gratification, over anecdotes which he had heard illustrative of his bravery and 
other noble qualities. 

When Mr. McKim had finished, Mr. Phillips took up the theme, and, in the tender- 
est and most beautiful manner, pursued it, till all tears were wiped away. A holy, 
pensive joy seemed gradually to dispel grief, and a becoming filial and conjugal pride 
seemed to reconcile these stricken ones to their destiny. 

TIIE FARM AT NORTH ELBA. 

The Brown Farm at North Elba is on the highest arable spot of land in the State, 
if, indeed, soil so hard and sterile can be called arable. The question was asked in my 
hearing why Mr. Brown should have chosen a spot so difficult of cultivation and yield- 
ing so poor a requital to labor ? and the answer was, that he had come there in pursu- 
ance of the great purpose of his life. This land formerly belonged to Gerritt Smith, 
and lies near to those large tracts which Mr. Smith had presented as a free gift to 
certain colored people ; and it was to aid these colored people, and through them to 
benefit their race, that he had originally come to a place so unpromising to the agri- 
culturist. 

The house is a medium-sized frame building, such as is common in that part of the 
country. It has four rooms on the first floor, and corresponding space above. The 
company was comparatively large, but ample accommodations were found for all ; 
and, though the night was intensely cold, a bountiful supply of good, warm bed-clothing 
kept all comfortable. 

The next morning I had an opportunity, for the first time, of seeing the place as it 
appeared in daylight, and of beholding the surrounding country. On opening the 
front door, a glorious sight saluted me. Directly in front, apparently — perhaps from 
the thinness of the atmosphere — within two or three miles, but really much further 
off, looms up a rugged chain of the Adirondack^ ; broken, jagged, massive, and won- 
derfully picturesque. Off the left stands, in solitary grandeur, the towering pyramid 
called "White Face" — deriving its name from the color of the rock on its summit. 
The Saranac and Ausable flow at each side of it; and just at its base, they tell us, is 
Lake Placid, a sheet of water famed through all this country of fine lakes for its exquisite 
beauty. On the right is to be seen, in the distance, the peak of McCreary ; and on 
the right of that again, and still further on, Mclntyre, the loftiest pinnacle of the Adi- 
rondack range, raises his towering crest. Just the country, my first thought was, 
for the heroic soul of John Brown, and a proper place to be the receptacle of his 
ashes. 

THE FUNERAL SERVICES. 

The funeral was placed at one o'clock, from the house, and before that time the 
neighbors were gathered and all were ready. The country is sparsely settled, and 



74 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

there was room, with some crowding, for all who came. The services were com- 
menced with a hymn, which had been a great favorite with Mr. Brown, and with 
which it was said he had successively sung all his children to sleep : 

" Blow ye the trumpet, blow — 

The gladly solemn sound ; 
Let all the nations know, 

To earth's remotest bound, 
The year of Jubilee has come," &c. 

It was sung to the good old tune of Lennox. It will be at once recognized by all 
who know anything about the old-fashioned sacred music, and it will readily be seen 
why it was a favorite with Mr. Brown. The air has a stirring, half-military ring, and 
the words a smack of liberty. Its themes are "jubilee," " ransom," &c, and it seems 
to blow the trumpet of freedom. 

After the hymn, followed an impressive prayer by the Rev. Joshua Young, of Bur- 
lington, Vt. It was a spontaneous offering, as will be readily inferred from the fact 
that Mr. Young, with his friend Mr. Bigelow, had travelled all night through the 
storm, and over the dismal mountain, to be present at the burial. It was as follows : 

PRAYER. 

" Almighty and most merciful God ! we lift our souls unto thee, and bow our hearts 
to the unutterable emotions of this impressive hour. O God, thou alone art our suffi- 
cient help. Open thou our lips, and our mouths shall show forth thy praise. Thou 
art speaking unto us ; as in those grand and majestic scenes of nature, so in the great 
and solemn circumstances which have brought us together. Our souls are filled with 
awe and are subdued to silence, as we think of that great, reverential, heroic soul, 
whose mortal remains we are now to commit to the earth, ' dust to dust,' while his 
spirit dwells with God who gave it, and his memory is enshrined in every pure and 
holy heart. At his open grave, as standing by the altar of Christ, the divinest friend 
and Saviour of Man, may we consecrate ourselves anew to the work of truth, right- 
eousness, and love, forevermore to sympathize with the outcast and the oppressed, 
with the humble and the least of our suffering fellow-men. 

"We pray for these afflicted ones — this sadly bereaved and afflicted family. O! 
God, hear our prayers. We pray for the widow and for the fatherless. O ! Lord, put 
underneath them thy everlasting arms, and grant unto them the richest consolations of 
thy Holy Spirit. But, father in heaven, in imitation of the self-forgetfulness and self- 
sacrifice of the great departed, putting aside all personal anguish and all private grief, 
we supplicate thy special blessing upon God's despised ones, — the poor enslaved, for 
whom our brother laid down his life. Oh, God, cause the oppressed to go free ; break 
any yoke, and prostrate the pride and prejudice that dare to lift themselves up ; and 
O ! hasten on the day when no more wrong or injustice shall be done in the earth ; 
when all men shall love one another with pure hearts, fervently, and love God and do 
his will with all their soul and with all their strength ; which we ask in the name and 
as the disi-iples of Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Mr. J. M. McKim then spoke as follows : 

SPEECII OF J. MILLER MCKIM. 

Mr. McKim said that if he were to consult his feelings, he would be silent. Words 
were inadequate to such an occasion. These mountain peaks, this weeping group, 
the body of this great good man before him, — what could he add to their eloquence ? 



TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 75 

And yet ho did not feel altogether at liberty to be silent. It was due to these weep- 
ing widows, these bereaved children, these sorrowing friends and neighbors, that he 
should say something, — something in honor of* the hero whose body was to-day to 
be laid in the dust, — something for the comfort of those whose hearts had been 
broken, and whose hearth-stones had been left desolate. But what would he say? 
What could he say of a man whom they had known better than he ? He had not had 
the privilege of a personal acquaintance with Mr. Brown. lie had never looked on 
his face till it was cold in death. But he had become acquainted with him by the 
developments made in the last few weeks. How he honored, loved, and admired him, 
words could not express. To stand under his roof and aid in his burial, was the 
greatest honor that had ever been vouchsafed him. 

That John Brown was a brave, magnanimous, truthful, consistent man, rested not 
on the testimony of admiring friends, but was freely conceded by his open enemies. 

Mr. McKim then went on to detail some of the last incidents before the execution; 
how he stepped forth from the prison door with face serene and radiant ; with what 
ease he mounted the wagon in which he was to be carried to the scaffold, and how 
cheerfully, as he sat on his coffin by the side of his jailer and friend, Captain Avis, he 
conversed on their way ; how delighted he was with the landscape ; how emphatic he 
was in condemning the exclusion from the field, of citizens, and allowing only the mili- 
tary to witness the execution ; with what elastic step he ascended the scaffold, and 
with what dignity, composure, self-poise, and indescribable grandeur he passed through 
the remaining incidents of the tragic chapter. 

Mr. McKim would attempt nothing as a tribute to John Brown. The facts of his 
life, and especially the latter part of it, were his best eulogy, and he need to say noth- 
ing by way of comfort to his bereaved widow and children. Most sincerely did he 
sympathize with them. But they sorrowed not as those having no hope. They had 
much to console them. Dear children, said Mr. McKim, my heart bleeds for you ; but 
your fiither, your husband, your brothers, not only died bravely, but they died use- 
fully ; they were all benefactors ; they were all martyrs in a holy cause. Not only had 
he heard testimony borne at the South to the bravery and uprightness of the leader 
in the extraordinary undertaking, but similar testimony, only in a less decree, to the 
same qualities on the part of his sons. Oliver Brown, Watson Brown, Dauphin Thomp- 
son, William Thompson, all were attested to be — with the exception of this one act, 
the assault on Harper's Ferry — without reproach, as well as without fear. Don't 
weep for them, then, as though their lives had been spent in vain, and their death 
would prove of no effect. The world will yet acknowledge itself debtor to them, and 
history will embalm their memory. And it is due to those who are in prison to say 
that they, too, are not unworthy a tribute on this occasion. Of Copeland and Green 
we had heard nothing while at Harper's Ferry. This was eulogy. If they belong to 
the oppressed and hated race, and if any thing could be said to their disadvantage, we 
should have had it ere this. Stephens we had heard was a bad man ; but when youn" - 
Anna Brown took leave of him last summer, he said, " Give my love to all good peo- 
ple — to all that love the truth." Bad men send no such message. As for Coppie, a 
letter which he held in his hand would illustrate his character. It was brought to 
Mrs. Brown at Harper's Ferry, by the men who delivered to her the body of her hus- 
band, and is published in another part of this volume. 

Some of Capt. Brown's friends, said Mr. McKim, speak as though they regarded the 
result at Harper's Ferry as a disaster. Disastrous in some respects it was, but in no 
respect a failure. Mr. Brown said, in one of his last letters, " The Captain of my sal- 
vation, who is also a Captain of Liberty, has taken away my sword of steel, and put 



76 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

into my hands the sword of the spirit." This is well said, like all his utterances. With 
his sword of steel he struck the hollow shell of Southern society, political and social, 
and revealed its emptiness. He made such developments of the weakness, imbecility, 
and utter powerlessness, in an emergency, of a slaveholding Commonwealth, as are 
certain to result in the extinction of the whole slave system. He has " builded better 
than he knew." He did much better than if he had established, as it would appear 
was his purpose, an armed exodus of fugitive slaves. He did infinitely better than if 
he had organized — which certainly was not his purpose — an insurrection. 

And with the sword of the spirit what a work has he done. " A two-edged sword " 
it has been — " piercing to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit." And how admi- 
rably has he wielded it ! None could resist him. His utterances were in the demon- 
stration of the spirit, and with power. They have gone out to the world and are doing 
their work. They were words of inspiration, needing neither alteration nor addition. 
Thus, with the sword of the flesh and the sword of the spirit John Brown has per- 
formed a double mission ; and the handwriting that dooms the system already flames 
out upon the wall. 

Mr. McKim said that, in selecting the place for the grave, they had followed the 
directions given by Mr. Brown to his wife in their last interview. He also said that 
Mr. Brown had given directions for an inscription on his tombstone, and at this point 
he read the first and last part of a paper which was brought to Mrs. Brown after the 
execution, and which read as follows : — 

TO BE INSCRIBED OX THE OLD FAMILY MONUMENT AT NORTH ELBA. 

Oliver Brown, born , 1839, was killed at Harper's Ferry, Va., Nov. 17, 1859. 

Walter Brown, born , 1835, was wounded at Harper's Ferry, Nov. 17, and 

died Nov. 19, 1859. 

(My wife can fill up the blank dates as above.) 
Joiin Brown, born May 9, 1800, was executed at Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859. 

ADDITION TO JOHN BROWN'S EAST WILL. 

Charlestown, Jefferson Co., Va., Dec. 2, 1859. 
It is my desire that my wife have all my personal property not previously disposed 
of by me ; and the entire use of all my landed property during her natural life ; and 
that, after her death, the proceeds of such land be equally divided between all my 
then living children ; and that what would be a child's share be given to the children 
of each of my two sons who fell at Harper's Ferry, and that a child's share be di- 
vided among the children of my now living children who may die before their mother 
(my present beloved wife). No formal will can be of use when my expressed wishes 
are made known to my dutiful and beloved family. 

John Brown 

My Dear Wife, — I have time to inclose the within and the above, which I for- 
got yesterday, and to bid you another Farewell. " Be of good cheer," and God Al- 
mighty bless, save, comfort, guide, and keep you to " the end." 
Your affectionate husband, 

John Brown. 

The addendum, said the speaker, was undoubtedly the last work of the old hero 
with his pen. Note the sublime composure of his words. He speaks as though he 
were about starting on a journey ! 

Mr. McKim concluded with exhortations to the family and friends to be comforted, 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 77 

assuring them that by their sacrifices they had made large contributions to the cause 
of Freedom and Humanity ; that in this respect their position was an honorable, and 
by many would be regarded as an enviable one, and that the hearts of tens of thou- 
sands beat in the deepest sympathy with them. 

ADDRESS OF WENDELL PHILLIPS. 

Wendell Phillips followed Mr. McKim, and said : — 

How feeble words seem here ! How can I hope to utter what your hearts are full 
of ? I fear to disturb the harmony which his life breathes round this home. One and 
another of you, his neighbors, say, " I have known him five years." " I have known 
him ten years." It seems to me as if we had none of us known him. How our admir- 
ing, loving wonder has grown, day by day, as he has unfolded trait after trait of earn- 
est, brave, tender, Christian life ! We sec him walking with radiant, serene face to 
the scaffold, and think what an iron heart, what devoted faith ! We take up his let- 
ters, beginning " My dear wife and children, every one of them " — see him stoop on 
his way to the scaffold and kiss that negro child — and this iron heart seems all ten- 
derness. Marvellous old man ! We have hardly said it when the loved forms of his 
sons, in the bloom of young devotion, encircle him, and we remember he is not alone, 
only the majestic centre of a group. Your neighbor farmer went, surrounded by his 
household, to tell the slaves there were still hearts and right arms ready and nerved 
for their seiwice. From this roof four, from a neighboring one two, to make up that 
score of heroes. How resolute each looked into the face of Virginia, how loyally 
each stood at his post, meeting death cheerfully, till that master-voice said " It is 
enough." And these weeping children and widow seem so lifted up and consecrated 
by long, single-hearted devotion to his great purpose, that we dare to remind them 
how blessed they are in the privilege of thinking that in the last throbs of those brave 
young hearts, which lie buried on the banks of the Shenandoah, thoughts of them 
mingled with love to God and hope for the slave. He has abolished Slavery in Vir- 
ginia. You may say this is too much. Our neighbors are the last men we know. 
The hours that pass us are the ones we appreciate the least. Men walked Boston 
streets, when night fell on Bunker's Hill, and pitied Warren, saying, " Foolish man ! 
Thrown away his life ! Why didn't he measure his means better ? " We sec him 
standing colossal that day on that blood-stained sod, and severing the tie that bound 
Boston to Great Britain. That night George III. ceased to rule in New England. 
History will date Virginia Emancipation from Harper's Ferry. True, the slave is 
still there. So, when the tempest uproots a pine on your hills, it looks green for 
months — a year or two. Still, it is timber, not a tree. John Brown has loosened the 
roots of the Slave system ; it only breathes — it docs not live — hereafter. Men say, 
" How coolly brave ! " But in him matchless courage seems the least of his merits. 
How oentleness graced ! When the frightened town wished to bear off the body of 
the Mayor, a man said, " I will go, Miss Fowke, under their rifles, if you will stand 
between them and me." He knew he could trust their gentle respect for woman. 
He was right. He went in the thick of the fight and bore off the body in safety. 
That same girl flung herself between Virginia rifles and your brave young Thompson. 
They had no pity. The merciless bullet reached him, spite of woman's prayers, 
though the fight had long been over. 

How God has blessed him ! How truly he may say, " I have fought a good fight, I 
have Jinished my course." Truly he has finished — done his work. God granted him 
the privilege to look on his work accomplished. He said, " I will show the South 



78 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

that twenty men can take possession of a town, hold it twenty-four hours, and carry 
away all the slaves who wish to escape." Did he not do it ? On Monday night he 
stood master of Harper's Ferry — could have left unchecked with a score or a hun- 
dred slaves. The wide sympathy and the secret approval are shown by the eager, 
quivering lips of lovers of slavery asking, " Oh, why did he not take his victory and 
go away ? " Who checked him at last ? Not startled Virginia. Her he had con- 
quered. The Union crushed — seemed to crush him. In reality God said, " That 
work is done ; you have proved that a Slave State is only Fear in the mask of Des- 
potism ; come up higher, and baptize by your martyrdom a million hearts into holier 
life." Surely such a life is no failure. How vast the change in men's hearts ! Insur- 
rection was a harsh, horrid word to millions a month ago. John Brown went a whole 
generation beyond it, claiming the right for white men to help the slave to freedom 
by arms. And now men run up and down, not disputing his principle, but trying to 
frame excuses for Virginia's hanging of so pure, honest, high-hearted, and heroic a 
man. Virginia stands at the bar of the civilized world on trial. Round her victim 
crowd the apostles and martyrs, all the brave, high souls who have said " God is 
God," and trodden wicked laws under their feet. As I stood looking on his grand- 
father's gravestone, brought here from Connecticut, telling, as it does, of his death in 
the Revolution, I thought I could hear our hero-saint saying, "My fathers gave their 
swords to the oppressor — the slave still sinks before the pledged force of this nation. 
I give my sword to the slave my fathers forgot." If any swords ever reflected the 
smile of Heaven, surely it was those drawn at Harjier's Ferry. If our God is ever 
the Lord of Hosts, making one man chase a thousand, surely that little band might 
claim him for their captain. Harper's Ferry was no single hour, standing alone — 
taken out from a common life — it was the flowering of fifty years of single-hearted 
devotion. He must have lived wholly for one great idea, when those who owe their 
being to him, and those whom love has joined group so harmoniously around him, 
each accepting serenely his and her part, — I feel honored to stand under such a roof. 
Hereafter you will tell children standing at your knees, "I saw John Brown buried — • 
I sat under his roof." Thank God for such a master. Could we have asked a nobler 
representative of the Christian North putting her foot on the accursed system of 
slavery ? As time passes, and these hours float back into history, men will see against 
the clear December sky that gallows, and round it thousands of armed men, guarding 
Virginia from her slaves. On the other side, the serene face of that calm old man, as 
he stoops to kiss the child of a forlorn race. Thank God for our emblem. May he 
soon bring Virginia to blot out hers in repentant shame, and cover that hateful gallows 
and soldiery with thousands of broken fetters. What lesson shall those lips teach us ? 
Before that still, calm hour let us take a new baptism. How can we stand here with- 
out a fresh and utter consecration ? These tears ! how shall we dare even to offer 
consolation ? Only lips fresh from such a vow have the right to mingle their words 
with your tears. We envy you the nearer place to these noble children of God. I 
do not believe slavery will go down in blood. Ours is the age of thought. Hearts 
are stronger than swords. That last fortnight ! How sublime its lesson ! the Chris- 
tian one of conscience — of truth. Virginia is weak because each man's heart said 
amen to John Brown. His words, — they are stronger even than his rifles. These 
crushed a State. These have changed the thoughts of millions, and will yet crush 
Slavery. Men said, "Would he had died in arms" — God ordered better, and 
granted to him and the slave those noble prison hours — that single hour of death, 
granted him a higher than the soldier's place, that of teacher ; the echoes of his rifles 
have died away in the lulls — a million hearts guard his words. God bless this roof — 



THE JOAN BROWN INVASION. 79 

make it bless us. We dare not say bless you, children of this home ; you stand 
nearer to one whose lips God touched, and we rather bend for your blessing. God 
make as all worthier of him whose dust we lay among these hills he loved. Here he 
girded himself and went forth to battle. Fuller success than his heart ever dreamed 
God granted him. lie sleeps in the blessings of the crushed and the poor, and men 
believe more firmly in virtue, now that such a man has lived. Standing here, let us 
thank God for a firmer faith and fuller hope. 

At the conclusion of Mr. Phillips' remarks, another hymn was sung, during which 
the coffin was placed on a table before the door, with the face exposed, so that all 
could see. It was almost as natural as life — far more so than an ordinary corpse. There 
was a flush on the face, resulting from the peculiar mode of death, and no'liing of the 
pallor that is usual when life is extinct. 

Mr. Phineas Norton, who acted as the friend of the family on the occasion, invited 
all who desired to do so to come and take a last look, and then make way for the 
family. The neighbors went forward as invited, and took their final leave of all that 
remained of their cherished friend ; and then followed the family. It was a touching 
sight to see those widows, the eldest still in the prime of life, and the younger one in 
its opening bud, deprived of their natural companions, leaning, as they stood around 
the coffin, on the arms of strangers. Such a sight I should not expect to see again if I 
should live a thousand years. 

This scene over, the next that followed was the short procession from the house to 
the grave. First came Mrs. Brown, supported by Wendell Phillips ; then the widow 
of Oliver Brown, leaning on the arm of Mr. McKim, who, in his other hand, held that 
of the little girl Ellen ; next came the widow of Watson Brown, supported by the 
Rev. Mr. Young ; and after that, though whether next in order I cannot now tell, the 
widow of William Thompson, leaning on the arm of one of the family. Solomon Brown 
and his sisters followed, with Henry Thompson, and Ruth, his wife, John Brown's 
eldest daughter ; and then Roswell Thompson and his wife, the aged parents of the 
two young men of that name who were killed at Harper's Ferry. Then followed the 
friends and neighbors. As the body was lowered into the grave, a gush of grief, 
apparently beyond control, burst from the family, and Mr. Young stood forth to com- 
fort them. Raising his deep and mellow voice, and quoting the words written to 
Timothy by Paul when he was brought before men the second time, and just before 
his death, he said: — "I have fought a good fight; I have finished my course; I have 
kept the faith ; henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness which the 
Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me ; and not to me only, but unto all that love 
his appearing ; " which words he followed with the benediction. 

" May the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, the blessing of God our Father, and the 
Communion of the Holy Ghost, be and abide with us all, now and forever. Amen." 

He added nothing more. The words seemed to fall like balm on all who heai-d them. 
The sobs were hushed, and soon the family, with the rest, retired from the grave, 
leaving the remains of the loved one to their last repose. 

THE LAST RESTING PLACE. 

Mr. Brown had expressed a desire that his body should be laid in the shadow of a 
great rock, not far from his house. This rock, after the more striking features of the 
scene just named, was the first object to arrest my attention. It stands about fifty feet 
from the house, is about eight feet in hight, and from fifteen to twenty feet square. It 
is a very striking and picturesque object, and the recollection of it would not un- 
naturally suggest to the mind of Mr. Brown a place for the interment of his body. 



SO THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 



VIRGINIA RELIEVED. 

The execution of the prisoners Green, Copeland, Coppie, and Cook, took place on 
the IGth of December. During the two weeks which intervened between the execu- 
tion of Brown and that event, the city of Charlestown and its surroundings presented 
the same martial appearance which they had done for weeks before. A few compa- 
nies of troops had been temporarily dismissed upon furlough, but about a thousand re- 
mained constantly under arms. The jail was guarded as usual by armed sentinels, 
within and without, and all the avenues to the city were so narrowly watched, that 
even old residents of the county found great difficulty in passing the lines, even while 
en^a^ed in their ordinary business avocations. Cook was visited, during this time, by 
several of his relations and friends ; among them by his brother-in-law, Gov. Willard, 
of Indiana, who had labored most assiduously with the authorities for a commutation 
of the sentence. Coppie also received the visits of three Quaker gentlemen from Ohio, 
with whom he had lived in his boyhood, and an uncle, from the same State. It does 
not appear that Copeland and Green, the colored prisoners, were visited by any rela- 
tives, for the reason, probably, that they belonged to that proscribed race which the 
highest judicial tribunal has decided " have no rights which a white man is bound to 
respect ! " And of course the hazard of an interview could not have been incurred 
by them, even had permission been granted by the authorities. All of the prisoners, 
however, received frequent visits from the clergymen of the vicinity, with whom they 
at times conversed upon religious subjects with apparent interest. Such was the state 
of affairs within and without the prison up to the day previous to that assigned for the 
execution. All fears of attempt to rescue the prisoners having subsided, and thousands 
having been disappointed of feasting their eyes by the sight of John Brown upon the 
gallows, the authorities relaxed in some degree the rigid surveillance that had so long 
prevailed, and as the hours advanced there was a great influx of people from the adja- 
cent country. The afternoon trains of cars from Winchester and Harper's Ferry 
brought large numbers of persons, including a delegation of newspaper reporters from 
the Northern cities. The vigilance at the depot, on the arrival of the trains, was not 
so stringent as on the occasion of the execution of Brown, and but little difficulty was 
experienced in getting into the town. Such an opportunity for a grand military dis- 
play, however, was not to be lost, and shortly after the arrival of the train in the after- 
noon, a grand dress parade of all the companies in attendance took place. The spot 
selected for the purpose was the field in which Brown was executed, and on which the 
gallows for the execution of the remaining prisoners was being erected. The troops 
went through their evolutions with great skill, and were reviewed by Gen. Taliaferro, 
who was on the ground in full dress, mounted on a spirited charger, u and all went 
merry as a marriage bell." 

ATTEMPTED ESCAPE OF COOK AND COPPIE. 

At a quarter past eight o'clock the whole town was thrown into commotion by the 
report of a rifle, under the wall of the jail, followed by several other shots from the 
vicinity of the guard-house, in close proximity to the jail. The military were called to 
arms, and the excitement was intense beyond anything that has yet occurred during 
our ever memorable era of military occupation. In a few minutes the streets and 
avenues of the town were in possession of armed men, and it was with some difficulty 
that the cause of all the turmoil could be ascertained. 



TIIE JOnN BROWN INVASION. 81 

The sentinel stationed near the jail reported tliat at a quarter past eight o'clock ho 
observed a man on the jail wall. He challenged him, and, receiving no answer, (iret 
at him. Another head was also seen above the wall; but he retreated as soon as the 
first one had been fired at. The man at the top of the wall was Cook. He seemed at 
first determined to jump down; but the sentinel declared his intention of impaling him 
on liis bayonet, — he then retreated into the jail-yard with Coppie, and both gave 
themselves up without further resistance. Cook afterward remarked that if he could 
have got over and throttled the guard, he would have made his escape. 

The Shenandoah mountains are within ten minutes run of the jail wall, and had he 
reached them, with his thorough knowledge of the mountains, his arrest would have 
been difficult, especially as but few of the military could have followed him during the 
night. They had succeeded after two weeks labor, whenever alone, and at night 
when the bed clothing muffled the sound of the saw which they had made out of an 
old Barlow knife, in cutting through their iron shackles, so that they could pry them 
off at any moment they should have their other work completed. 

They had also made a sort of a chisel out of an old bed screw, with which they 
succeeded, as opporunity would offer, in removing the plaster from the wall, and then 
brick after brick, until a space sufficient for them to pass through was opened, all to 
the removal of the outer brick. The part of the wall on which they operated was in 
the rear of the bed on which they slept ; and the bed, being pushed against the wall, 
completely hid their work from view. The bricks they took out were concealed in the 
drum of a stove, and the dirt and plaster removed in the course of their work was 
placed between the bed-clothing. They acknowledged that they had been to work a 
whole week in making the aperture in the wall. 

Their cell being on the first floor, the aperture was not more than five feet above 
the pavement of the yard, and when freed of their shackles their access to the yard was 
quite easy. Here, however, there was a smooth brick wall about fifteen feet high, to 
scale. This difficulty was, however, soon overcome, with the aid of the timbers of 
the scaffold on which Capt. Brown was hung, and which were intended also for their 
own execution. They placed these against the wall, and soon succeeded in reaching 
the top, from which they could have easily dropped to the other side, had not the 
vigilance of the sentinel on duty so quickly checked their movements. They were 
arrested in the jail-yard by Gen. Taliaferro and the officer of the day, who rushed to 
the jail the moment the alarm was given. Gen. Taliaferro immediately telegraphed 
to Gov. Wise, informing him of the frustrated attempt of the prisoners. His answer 
directed that the military should immediately take possession of the jail and guard the 
prisoners until they were executed. 

The general impression is that if they had waited till midnight or later, they might 
have reached the mountains. But it is presumed they were fearful of being watched 
during the night, or desired to have as much as possible of the darkness to gain a good 
distance before daylight would allow a general pursuit. 

PREPARATION FOR TIIE EXECUTION. 

At daybreak this morning, the reveille was sounded from the various barracks, 
announcing the dawn of the day of execution, and soon the whole community was 
astir. At 9 o'clock the entire military force in attendance was formed on Main street, 
and the officers reported ready for duty at head quarters. Those companies detailed 
for field duty around the gallows immediately took up the line of march, and at 9£ 
o'clock were in the position assigned them in the field. Those companies detailed for 
escort duty took up their positions in front of the jail, awaiting orders. 



82 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

EXECUTION OP COPELAND AND GREEN. 

At l(h>- o'clock, Gen. Taliaferro, with his staff, numbering about twenty-five officers, 
having given orders to prepare the two negro prisoners, Shields Green and John 
Copeland, for execution, took their departure to join the main body of the troops on 
the field. 

The military then formed in a hollow square around the jail, and an open wagon, 
containing the coffins of the prisoners, drew up in front, with a carriage to convey 
Sheriff Campbell and his Deputies. 

The crowd of citizens and strangers Avas very great — at least five times as 
numerous as on the occasion of Brown's execution — most of whom were already on 
the field, while others wanted to see the prisoners come out. 

The religious ceremonies in the cell of the prisoner, were very impressive, and 
were conducted by the Rev. Mr. North of the Presbyterian, and the Rev. Henry 
Waugh of the M. E. Church. 

At a quarter before 1 1 o'clock the prisoners, accompanied by the Sheriff and Rev. 
Mr. North, appeared at the jail door, and with their arms pinioned, moved slowly 
forward towards the vehicle in waiting for them. They seemed downcast, and wore 
none of that calm and cheerful spirit evinced by Brown under similar circumstances. 
They were helped into the wagon and took their seats on their coffins without scarcely 
looking to the right or left. The escort now commenced to move, and the wagon 
was closely flanked on either side by a company of riflemen marching in double file, 
lock step. 

At seven minutes before 11 o'clock the procession entered the field occupied by the 
military. In two minutes more the wagon stopped at the foot of the gallows, and while 
the prisoners were alighting the companies forming the escort moved off to the position 
assigned them on the field. 

The prisoners mounted the scaffold with a firm step, and were immediately joined 
by Sheriff Campbell. After a brief prayer by the clergyman the caps were drawn 
over their heads, and the ropes affixed around their necks. 

During the few moments they thus stood, Copeland remained quiet, but Green was 
engaged in earnest prayer up to the time the trap was drawn, when they were both 
launched into eternity. 

Green died very easy, his neck being broken by the fall. The motion of his body 
was very slight. Copeland seemed to suffer very much, and his body writhed in vio- 
lent contortions for several minutes. They were accompanied on the gallows by Rev- 
erends Waugh, North, and Leah, to whom they bid an affectionate farewell, and 
expressed the hope of meeting them in heaven. The bodies were placed in poplar 
coffins, and carried back to jail. 



EXECUTION OS COOK AND COPPIE. 

The bodies of the negro prisoners having been brought back to the jail, at about 
llf o'clock, notice was given to Cook and Coppie that their time was approaching — 
only one hour more being allowed them. The military movements, similar to those 
at the first execution, were repeated; and the wagon, with two more coffins, was 
standing at the door at 12$ o'clock. The same military escort was in readiness, 
while the closing religious ceremonies were progressing in the cell. Since the failure 
of their attempt to escape of the previous night they now looked at their fate with the 
full conviction of its awful certainty. They were reserved and rather quiet but fer- 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 83 

vently joined in the religious ceremonies conducted by Messrs. North, Leah and 
Waugh. 

When called upon by the sheriff, they stood calm and quietly while their arms were 
being pinioned, after bidding farewell to the guards at the jail, were helped into the 
wagon and took seats on their coffins. Their appearance was rather that of hopeless 
despair than of resignation, and they seemed to take but little notice of anything as 
the procession slowly moved into the field of death. The wagon reached the scaffold 
at 13 minutes before 1 o'clock, and the prisoners ascended the scaffold with a deter- 
mined firmness that was scarcely surpassed by Capt. Brown. A brief prayer was 
offered up by one of the clergymen, the rope was adjusted, the cap drawn, and both 
were launched into eternity, in seven minutes after they ascended the gallows. 
They both exhibited the most unflinching firmness, saying nothing, with the exception 
of bidding farewell to the minister and sheriff. After the rope was adjusted, Cook ex- 
claimed, "Be quick — as quick as possible," which was also repeated by Coppie. 
After hanging for about half an hour, both bodies were taken down and placed in 
black walnut coffins, prepared for them. That of Cook was placed in a poplar box, 
labelled and directed as follows : " Ashbell P. Willard and Robert Crowley, No. 
104 William street, New York ; care of Adams's Express." Coppie's body was placed 
in a similar box, to be forwarded to his mother in Iowa. 



CONCLUSION. 

And here ends this sad and eventful chapter in our national history. Most 
of the immediate actors in this bold and self-sacrificing attempt to rescue some, 
at least, of their fellow men from the despotic tyranny of the South, have been 
sent to their final account by the hands of the executioner, after a trial and 
conviction, under the forms of law, for crimes which they did not commit. 

Northern politicians, seeking prominent influence in the next Democratic Presiden- 
tial Convention, and all their satellites and retainers ; timid and mole-eyed merchants, 
partizan presses and hirelings of office, with super-serviceable flunkeyism, are con- 
stantly encouraging on the people of the South to blunders and follies such as these. 

But the time will surely come, when the honest, men of the South will learn and 
confess that the faithful warnings and manly policy of the Republican Party are 
as friendly and patriotic as they are wise and humane. 

When that time shall arrive, the Grand Conspirator against the life of Jonathan 
Cilley, whose red right hand signed the death-warrant of Brown ; the grand con- 
spirator against the Government of the Union in 185G, ready to make his stand at 
Harper's Ferry and raise the rebel flag — against Fremont if President — will find 
his level in the ground tier of forgotten public men, remembered only in a spirit of 
that mercy he is apparently unable either to exhibit or to appreciate. 

The trial, conviction, and execution of John Brown form a new chapter in the 
judicial history of America. The indecent and unscrupulous charges of complicitv, 
against leading Republican Statesmen, fulminated from the organs of the National 
Administration have opened another chapter in the history of politics. And now the 



84 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

assembling of numerous gentlemen, at the commercial centres, in public meetings, to 
denounce their Anti-Slavery neighbors, and give support and comfort to Southern 
Nullifiers, — and that, too, in the very name of Union, is proof that if suicide of a 
nation was possible, we have the fanatics of timidity and subserviency, who are ready 
with trembling ignorance to commit the crime. 

Between these men on the one hand, — the almost unconscious allies of nullification 
and disunion, — and the earnest, impatient, and aggressive zeal incident to the 
heat of Anti-Slavery action on the other, there stands the collected, consistent, un- 
wavering faith of intelligent and brave men, — numbered by tens of thousands, all over 
the West and North, — who believe in the ultimate realization of the ideas out of 
which have sprung all that Humanity has thus far accomplished for itself. 

The South, too, is ready ; in her many awakened and instructed minds, waiting 
only for a time and occasion to speak, potentially. 

And the voice even of John Brown, — the convicted felon, — the victim of the hang- 
man's halter, — sleeping in his humble grave under the shadow of a primeval rock — 
emblematic of him who sleeps beneath it, — the dying testimony of the " traitor" 
" murderer " and "felon" heard by every white man, and by many a negro slave, 
wherever the English tongue is spoken on earth, — will never cease to haunt the con- 
science of the South. 

Its echoes will die away only when the blessed air shall be no longer vexed by the 
wailinjr of the slave. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 85 



THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 



AN ADDRESS BY WENDELL PHILLirS, 

Delivered at BnooKLYN, N. Y., Nov. 1, 1859. 



Ladies and Gentlemen — I speak with the utmost sincerity when I say that I 
cannot expect — speaking from this platform, and to you — to say anything on the 
vital question of the hour, which you have not already heard. I should not in that 
sense, willingly have come here ; but, when a great question divides the community, 
all men arc called upon to vote, and I feel to-night that I am simply giving my vote. 
I am only saying " ditto " to what you hear from this platform day after day. And I 
would willingly have avoided, ladies and gentlemen, even at this last moment, borrow- 
ing this hour from you. I tried to do better by you. Like the Irishman in the story, 
I offered to hold the hat of Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, (enthusiastic applause,) if 
he would only make a speeeh, and, most unaccountably, I am sorry to say, he declined 
this generous offer. (Laughter.) So I must fulfil my appointment, and deliver my 
little lecture myself. 

" The Lesson of the Hour ? " I think the lesson of the hour is insurrection. (Sen- 
sation.) Insurrection of thought always precedes the insurrection of arms. The last 
twenty years have been insurrection of thought. We seem to be entering on a new 
phase of the great moral American struggle. It seems to me that we have never 
accepted as Americans — we have never accepted our own civilization. We have held 
back from the inference which we ought to have drawn from the admitted principles 
which underlie our life. We have all the timidity of the old world when we bend 
our eyes upon ideas of the people ; we shrink back, trying to save ourselves from the 
inevitable might of the thoughts of the millions. The idea of civilization on the other 
side of the water seems to be that man is created to be taken care of by somebody 
else. God did not leave him fit to go alone ; he is in everlasting pupilage to the 
wealthy and the educated. The religious or the comfortable classes are an ever-pres- 
ent probate court to take care of him. The old world, therefore, has always dis- 
trusted the average conscience — the common sense of the millions. 

It seems to me the idea of our civilization — underlying all American life — is, that 
we do not need any protector. We need no safeguard. Not only the inevitable, but 
the best, power this side of the ocean, is the unfettered average common sense of the 
masses. Institutions, as we are accustomed to call them, are but pasteboard, and 
intended to be against the thought of the street. Statutes are mere mile-stones, tell- 
ing how far yesterday's thought had travelled; and the talk of the sidewalk to-day is 
the law of the land. Somewhat briefly stated, sulIi is the idea of American civiliza- 
tion ; uncompromising faith — in the average selfishness, if you choose — of all classes, 
neutralizing each other, and tending toward that fair play that Saxons love. It seems 
to me, that on all questions, we dread thought ; we shrink behind something ; we 
acknowledge ourselves unequal to the sublime faith of our fathers; and the exhibition 
of the last twenty years and of the present state of public affairs is, that Americans 
dread to look their real position in the face. 



86 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

They say in Ireland that every Irishman thinks that he was born sixty days too late 
— (Laughter) — and the world owes him sixty days. The consequence is when a 
trader says such a thing is so much for cash, the Irishman thinks cash means to him a 
bill of sixty days. (Laughter.) So it is with Americans. They have no idea of 
absolute right. They were born since 1787, and absolute right means the truth 
diluted by a strong decoction of the Constitution of '89. They are all in that atmos- 
phere ; they don't want to sail outside of it ; they do not attempt to reason outside 
of it. For the last twenty years, there has been going on, more or less heeded and 
understood in various States, an insurrection of ideas against the limited, cribbed, 
cabined, isolated American civilization, interfering to restore absolute ri«-ht — not 
only that, but the recognition and conviction of absolute truth. If you said to an 
American, for instance, anything in regard to temperance, slavery, or anything 
else — in the course of the last twenty years — anything about a principle, he ran 
back instantly to the safety of such a principle — to the possibility of its existing 
with a peculiar sect, with a church, with a party, with a constitution, with a law. 
He had not yet raised himself unto the level of daring to trust justice, which is 
the preliminary consideration to trusting the people ; for whether native depravity 
be true or not, it is a truth, attested by all history, that the race gravitates 
towards justice, and that indulging all differences of opinion, there is an inherent, 
essential tendency to the great English principle of fair-play at the bottom of our 
natures. (Loud applause.) The Emperor Nicholas, it is said, ordered Col. Whist- 
ler, one of his engineers, to lay down for him a road for a railway from St. 
Petersburg to Moscow, and presently the engineers brought to him a large piece of 
fine card paper, on which was laid down like a snake, the designed path for the iron 
locomotive between the two capitals. " What 's that ? " said Nicholas. " That 's the 
best road," was the reply. " What do you make it crooked for ? " " Why, we turn 
this way to touch this great city, and to the left to reach that immense mass of people, 
and to the right again to suit the business of that district." " Yes." The Emperor 
turned the card over, made a new dot for Moscow and another for St. Petersburg, 
took a ruler, made a straight line, and said, " Build me that road." (Laughter.) 

" But what will become of that depot of trade, of that town ? " "I don 't know; 
they must look out for themselves." (Cheers.) And the emperor of omnipotent 
Democracy says of slavery, or of a church, " This is justice, and that is iniquity ; the 
track of God's thunderbolt goes in a straight line from one to the other, and the church 
that cannot stand it must stand out of the way." (Cheers.) Now our object for 
twenty years has been to educate the mass of the American people up to that 
level of moral life, which shall recognize that free speech carried to that extent is 
God's normal school, educating the American mind, throwing upon it the grave 
responsibility of deciding a great question, and by means of that responsibility, lifting 
it to the higher level of an intellectual and moral life. Now scholarship stands on one 
side, and, like your Brooklyn Eagle, says, i4 This is madness ! " Well, poor man ! he 
thinks so ! (Laughter.) The very difficulty of the whole matter is that he does think so, 
and this normal school that we open is for him. His seat is on the lowest end of the low- 
est bench. (Laughter and applause.) But he only represents that very chronic distrust 
which pervades all that class. It is the timid, educated mind of these Northern States. 
Anacharsis went into the forum at Athens, and heard a case argued by the great 
minds of the day, and saw the vote. He walked out into the streets, and somebody 
said to him, " What think you of Athenian liberty V " " I think," said he, " wise 
men argue causes, and fools decide them." Just what the timid scholar two thousand 
years ago said in the streets of Athens, that which calls itself the scholarship of the 






THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 87 

United States says to-day of popular agitation — that it lets wise men argue questions, 
and fools decide them. But that early Athens, where fools decided the gravest ques- 
tions of polity and right and wrong, where it was not safe to be just, and where prop- 
erty might be wrung from you by the prejudices of the mob to-morrow, which you had 
garnered up by the thrift and industry of to-day: that very Athens invented art, and 
sounded for us the depths of philosophy ; God lent to it the noblest intellects, and it 
flashes to-day the torch that gilds yet the mountain peaks of the old world ; while 
Egypt, the hunker conservative of antiquity, where nobody dared to differ from the 
priest, or to be wiser than his grandfather, — where men pretended to be alive, though 
swaddled in the grave-clothes of creed and custom as close as their mummies in linen 
— is hid in the tomb it inhabited ; and the intellect which Athens has created for us 
digs to-day those ashes to find out what hunkerism knew and did. (Cheers.) Now 
my idea of American civilization is that it is a second part, a repetition of that same 
sublime confidence in the public conscience and the public thought that made the 
groundwork of Grecian Democracy. 

Well, we have been talking for twenty years. There have been various evidences 
of growth in education ; I will tell you of one. The first evidence that a sinner con- 
victed of sin, and too blind or too lazy to reform — the first evidence that he can give 
that his nature has been touched, is that he becomes a hypocrite ; he has the grace to 
pretend to be something. Now, the first evidence that the American people gave of 
that commencing grace of hypocrisy was this : in 1833, when we commenced the Anti- 
Slavery agitation, the papers talked about slavery, bondage, American slavery, boldly, 
frankly and bluntly. In a few years it sounded hard ; it had a grating effect ; the 
hardest throat of the hardest democrat felt it as it came out. So they spoke of the 
" patriarchal institution," (laughter,) then of the " domestic institution," (continued 
laughter,) and then of the " peculiar institution," (laughter) — and in a year or two 
it got beyond that. [Mississippi published a report from her Senate, in which she went 
a stride beyond, and described it as " economic subordination." (Renewed laughter.) 
A Southern Methodist bishop was taken to task for holding slaves in reality, but his 
Methodist brethren were not courageous enough to say " slaves " right out in meeting, 
and so they said the bishop must get rid of his "impediment" — (loud laughter) — 
and the late Mr. Rufus Choate, in the last Democratic canvass in my own State, un- 
dertaking and necessitated to refer to the institutions of the South, and knowing that 
his old New England lips, that had spoken so many glorious free truths in the twenty 
years that were ended, could not foul their last days with the hated word, phrased it 
" a different type of industry." Now, hypocrisy — why, " it is the homage that Vice 
renders to Virtue." When men begin to get weary of capital punishment, they banish 
the gallows inside the jail-yard, and do not let anybody see it without a special card 
of invitation from the sheriff. And so they have banished slavery into pet phrases 
and fancy flash-words. If you should dig our Egyptian Hunkerism up from the grave 
into which it is rapidly sinking, we should have to get a commentator of the true Ger- 
man blood to find out what all these queer, odd, peculiar, imaginative paraphrases 
mean in this middle of the nineteenth century. That was one evidence of progress. 

I believe in moral suasion. I believe the age of bullets is over. I believe the age 
of ideas is come. I think that is the preaching of our country. The old Hindoo 
dreamed, you know, that he saw the human race led out to its varied fortune. First, 
he saw men bitted and curbed, and the reins went back to an iron hand. But his 
dream changed on and on, until at last he saw men led by reins that came from the 
brain, and went back into an unseen hand. It was the type of governments ; the first 
a government of despotism, palpable iron ; and the last our government, a government 
of brains, a government of ideas. I believe in it — in public opinion. 



83 TIIE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

Yet, let me say, in passing, that I think you can make a better use of iron than forg- 
ing it into chains. If you must have the metal, put it into Sharpe's rifles. It is a 
great deal better used that way than in fetters — a great deal better than in a clumsy 
statue of a mock great man, for hypocrites to kneel down and worship in a State-house 
yard. (Loud and renewed cheers, and great hissing.) I am so unused to hisses lately 
that I have forgotten what I had to say. (Laughter and hisses.) I only know I 
meant what I did say. 

My idea is, public opinion, literature, education, as governing elements. 

But some men seem to think that our institutions are necessarily safe, because we 
lrive free schools and cheap books, and a public opinion that controls. But that is no 
evidence of safety. India and China have had schools, and a school system almost 
identical with that of Massachusetts, for fifteen hundred years. And books are as 
cheap in Central and Northern Asia as they are in New York. But they have not 
secured liberty, nor secured a controlling public opinion to either nation. Spain for 
three centuries had municipalities and town governments, as independent and self- 
supporting, and as representative of thought, as New England or New York has. But 
that did not save Spain. De Tocqueville says that fifty years before the great revolu- 
tion, public opinion was as omnipotent in France as^ it is to-day, but it did not save 
France. You cannot save men by machinery. What India, and France, and Spain 
wanted, was live men, and that is what we want to-day ; men who are willing to look 
their own destiny, and their own functions, and their own responsibilities in the face. 
" Grant me to see, and Ajax asks no more," was the prayer that the great poet put 
into the lips of his hero in the darkness that overspread the Grecian camp. All we 
want of American citizens is the opening of their own eyes, and seeing things as they 
are. To the intelligent, thoughtful and determined gaze of twenty millions of Chris- 
tian people, there is nothing — no institution wicked and powerful enough to be capa- 
ble of standing against it. In Keats's beautiful poem of " Lamia," a young man had 
been led captive by a phantom girl, and was the slave of her beauty, until the old 
teacher came in and fixed his thoughtful eye upon the figure, and it vanished, and the 
pupil started up himself again. 

You see the great Commonwealth of Virginia fitly represented by a pyramid stand- 
in<r upon its apex. A Connecticut born man entered at one corner of her dominions, 
and fixed his cold grey eye upon the government of Virginia, and it almost vanished 
in his very eaze. For it seems that Virginia asked leave " to be" of John Brown at 
Harper's Ferry. (Cheers and applause.) Connecticut has sent out many a school- 
master to the other thirty States ; but never before so grand a teacher as that Litch- 
field-born schoolmaster at Harper's Ferry, writing upon the Natural Bridge, in the 
face of nations, his simple copy : " Resistance to Tyrants is obedience to God." (Loud 
cheers.) 

I said that the lesson of the hour was insurrection. I ought not to apply that word 
to John Brown of Ossawotamie, for there was no insurrection in his case. It is a 
great mistake to call him an insurgent. This principle that I have endeavored so 
briefly to open to you, of absolute right and wrong, states what ? Just this : " Com- 
monwealth of Virginia ! " There is no such thing. No civil society, no government 
ean exist, except on the basis of the willing submission of all its citizens, and by the 
performance of the duty of rendering equal justice between man and man. 

Everything that calls itself a government, and refuses that duty, or has not that 
assent, is no government. It is only a pirate ship. Virginia, the Commonwealth of 
Virginia! She is only a chronic insurrection. I mean exactly what I say. I am 
weighing my words now. She is a pirate ship, and John Brown sails the sea a Lord 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION.* 89 

High Admiral of the Almighty, with his commission to sink every pirate lie meets on 
God's ocean of the nineteenth century. (Cheers and applause.) I mean literally 
and exactly what I say. In God's world there arc no majorities, no minorities ; one, 
on God's side, is a majority. You have often heard here, douhtless, and I need not 
tell you, the ground of morals. The rights of that one man are as sacred as those 
of the miscalled Commonwealth of Virginia. Virginia is only another Algiers. The 
barbarous horde who gag each other, imprison women for teaching children to read, 
prohibit the Bible, sell men on the auction-blocks, abolish marriage, condemn half 
their women to prostitution, and devote themselves to the breeding of human beings 
for sale, is only a larger and blacker Algiers. The only prayer of a true man for 
such is, " Gracious Heaven ! unless they repent, send soon their Exmouth and De- 
catur." John Brown has twice as much right to hang Gov. Wise as Gov. Wise has 
to hang him. (Cheers and hisses.) You see I am talking of that absolute essence 
of things that lives in the sight of the Eternal and the Infinite ; not as men judge it 
in the rotten morals of the nineteenth century, among a herd of States that calls 
itself an empire because it weaves cotton and sells slaves. What I say is this : Har- 
per's Ferry was the only government in that vicinity. Respecting the trial, Virginia, 
true to herself, has shown exactly the same haste that the pirate does when he tries a 
man on deck, and runs him up to the yard-arm. Unconsciously she is consistent. 
Now, you do not think this to-day, some of you, perhaps. But I tell you what abso- 
lute History shall judge of these forms and phantoms of ours. John Brown bc^an 
his life, his active life, in Kansas. The South planted that seed ; it reaps the first 
fruit now. Twelve years ago, the great men in Washington, the Websters and the 
Clays, planted the Mexican War ; and they reaped their appropriate fruit in Gen. 
Taylor and Gen. Pierce pushing them from their statesmen's stools. The South 
planted the seeds of violence in Kansas, and taught peaceful northern men familiarity 
with the bowie knife and revolver. They planted 999 seeds, and this is the first one 
that has flowered ; this is the first drop of the coming shower. People do me the 
honor to say, in some of the Western papers, that this is traceable to some teachings 
of mine. It is too much honor to such as me. Gladly, if it were not fulsome vanity, 
would I clutch this laurel of having any share in the great resolute daring of that 
man who flung himself against an empire in behalf of justice and liberty. They 
were not the bravest men who fought at Saratoga and Yorktown in the war of 1776. 
Oh, no ; it was rather those who flung themselves at Lexington, few and feeble, 
against the embattled ranks of an empire till then thought irresistible. Elderly men 
in powdered wigs and red velvet, smoothed their ruffles and cried, " madmen.'' Full- 
fed custom-house men said, "A pistol-shot against Gibraltar!" But Captain In«ra- 
ham, under the stars and stripes, dictating terms to the fleet of the Csesars, was only 
the echo of that Lexington gun. Harper's Ferry is the Lexington of to-day. Up to 
this moment Brown's life has been one unmixed success. Prudence, skill, courage. 
thrift, knowledge of his time, knowledge of his opponents, undaunted daring in the 
face of the nation — he had all these. He was the man who could leave Kansas and 
go into Missouri, and take eleven men and give them to liberty, and bring them off on 
the horses which he carried with him, and two which he took as tribute from their 
masters in order to facilitate escape. Then, when he had passed his human proteges 
from the vulture of the United States to the safe shelter of the English lion, this is 
the brave, frank, and sublime truster in God's right and absolute justice, that entered 
his name in the city of Cleveland, " John Brown, of Kansas," and advertised there 
two horses for sale, and stood in front of the auctioneer's stand, notifying all bidders 
of the defect in the title. (Laughter.) But he added with nonchalance, when he 



90 *HE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

told the story, " They brought a very excellent price." (Laughter.) This is the man 
who, in the face of the nation, avowing his right, and endeavoring by what strength 
he had in behalf of the wronged, goes down to Harper's Ferry to follow up his work. 
Well, men say he failed. Every man has his Moscow. Suppose he did fail, every 
man meets his Waterloo at last. There are two kinds of defeat. Whether in chains 
or in laurels, Liberty knows nothing but victories. Bunker Hill soldiers call a de- 
feat ; but Liberty dates from it, though Warren lay dead on the field. Men say the 
attempt did not succeed. No man can command success. Whether it was well- 
planned, and deserved to succeed, we shall be able to decide when Brown is free to 
tell us all he knows. Suppose he did fail, he has done a great deal still. Why, this is 
a decent country to live in now. (Laughter and cheers.) Actually, in this Sodom 
of ours, seventeen men have been found ready to die for an idea. God be thanked 
for John Brown, that he has discovered or created them. (Cheers.) I should feel 
some pride, if I was in Europe now, in confessing that I was an American. (Ap- 
plause.) We have redeemed the long infamy of twenty years of subservience. But 
look back a bit. Is there anything new about this ? Nothing at all. It is the natural 
result of anti-slavery teaching. For one, I accept it ; I expected it. I cannot say 
that I prayed for it ; I cannot say that I hoped for it. But at the same time, no sane 
man has looked upon this matter for twenty years, and supposed that we could go 
through this great moral convulsion, the great classes of society clashing and jostling 
against each other like frigates in a storm, and that there would not be such scenes as 
these. 

Why, in 1835 it was the other way. Then it was my bull that gored your ox. 
Then ideas came in conflict, and men of violence, and men who had not made up 
their minds to wait for the slow conversion of conscience, men who trusted in then- 
own right hands, men who believed in bowie-knives — why, such sacked the city of 
Philadelphia, such made New York to be governed by a mob ; Boston saw its Mayor 
suppliant and kneeling to the chief of broad-cloth in broad daylight. It was all on 
that side. The natural result, the first result of this starting of ideas, is like people 
who get half awaked, and use the first weapons that appear to them. The first de- 
veloping and unfolding of national life were the mobs of 1835. People said it served 
us right, we had no right to the luxury of speaking our own minds ; it was too ex- 
pensive \ these lavishly luxurious persons walking about here, and actually saying, 
what they think ! Why, it was like speaking loud in the midst of the avalanches. 
To say " Liberty " in a loud tone, the Constitution of 1789 might come down — it 
would not do. But now things have changed. We have been talking thirty years. 
Twenty years we have talked everywhere, under all circumstances ; we have been 
mobbed out of great cities, and pelted out of little ones ; we have been abused by 
<n-eat men and by little papers. (Laughter and applause.) What is the result ? 
The tables have been turned ; it is your bull that has gored my ox now. And men 
that still believe in violence, the five points of whose faith are the fist, the bowie- 
knife, fire, poison and the pistol, are ranged on the side of Liberty, and, unwilling to 
wait for the slow but sure steps of thought, lay on God's altar the best they have. 
Tou cannot expect to put a real Puritan Presbyterian, as John Brown is — a regular 
Cromwellian dug up from two centuries — in the midst of our New England civiliza- 
tion, that dare not say its soul is its own, nov proclaim that it is wrong to sell a man 
at auction, and not have him show himself as he is. ' Put a hound in the presence of a 
deer, and he springs at his throat if he is a true bloodhound. Put a Christian in the 
presence of a sin, and he will spring at its throat if he is a true Christian. And so 
into an acid we might throw white matter, but unless it is chalk, it will not pioduce 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 91 

agitation. So, if in a world of Burners yon were to put an American Christianity, it 

would be calm as oil. But put one Christian like John Brown, of Ossawatomie, and 
he makes the whole crystallize into right and wrong, and marshal themselves on one side 
or the other. And God makes him the text, and all he asks of our comparatively cow- 
ardly lips is to preach the sermon, and to say to the American people that, whether that 
old man succeeded in a worldly sense or not, he stood a representative of law, of gov- 
ernment, of right, of justice, of religion, and they were pirates that gathered about him, 
and sought to wreak vengeance by taking his life. The banks of the Potomac, doubly 
dear now to History and to Man ! The dust of Washington rests there ; and History 
will see for ever on that river-side the brave old man on his pallet, whose dust, when 
God calls him hence, the Father of his Country would be proud to make room for beside 
his own. But if Virginia tyrants dare hang him, after this mockery of a trial, it will 
take two more Washingtons at least to make the name of the State anything but abom- 
inable to the ages that come after. (Applause and hisses.) Well, I say what I really 
think (cheers and cries of " good," " good.") George Washington was a great man. Yet 
I say what I really think. And I know, ladies and gentlemen, that, educated as you 
have been by the experience of the last ten years here, you would have thought me 
the silliest as well as She most cowardly man in the world if I should have come, with 
my twenty years behind me, and talked about anything else to-night except that great 
example which one man has set us on the banks of the Potomac. You expected, of 
course, that I should tell you my opinion of it. 

I value this element that Brown has introduced into American politics for another 
reason. The South is a great power — no cowards in Virginia. (Laughter.) It was 
not cowardice. (Laughter.) Now, I try to speak very plain, but you will misunder- 
stand me. There is no cowardice in Virginia. The South are not cowards. The 
lunatics in the Gospel were not cowards when they said, " Art thou come to torment 
us before the time ? " (Laughter.) They were brave enough, but they saw afar off. — 
They saw the tremendous power that was entering into that charmed circle ; they 
knew its inevitable victory. Virginia did not tremble at an old grey-headed man at 
Harper's Ferry ; they trembled at a John Brown in every man's own conscience. He 
had been there many years, and, like that terrific scene which Beckford has drawn 
for us in his " Hall of Eblis," where all ran around, each man with an incurable wound 
in his bosom, and agreed not to speak of it, so the South has been running up and 
down its political and social life, and every man keeps his right hand pressed on the 
secret and incurable sore, with an understood agreement, in Church and State, that it 
never shall be mentioned, for fear the great, ghastly fabric shall come to pieces at the 
talismanic word. Brown uttered it, and the whole machinery trembled to its very 
base. i 

I value that movement. Did you ever see a blacksmith shoe a restless horse ? If 
you have, you have seen him take a small cord and tie his upper lip. If you ask him 
what he does it for, he will tell you he does it to give the beast something to think of. 
(Laughter.) Now, the South has extensive schemes. She grasps with one hand a 
Mexico, and with the other she dictates terms to Church, she imposes conditions on 
State, she buys up Webster with a little, and Everett with nothing. (Great lauirhter 
and applause.) John Brown has given her something else to think of. He has 
turned her attention inwardly. He has taught her that there has been created a 
new element in this Northern mind ; that it is not merely the thinker, that it is not 
merely the editor, that it is not merely the moral reformer, but the idea has pervaded 
all classes of society. — Call them madmen if you will. Hard to tell who's mad. The 
world says one man is mad. John Brown said the same of the Governor. You re- 



Q2 THE JOHN CROWN INVASION. 

member the madman in Edinburgh. A friend asked him what he was there for. 
" Well," said he, " they said at home that I was mad ; and I said I was not ; but they 
had the majority." (Laughter.) Just so it is in regard to John Brown. The nation 
say, He is mad. I appeal from Philip drunk to Philip sober ; I appeal from the Am- 
erican people drunk with cotton and the New York Observer (loud and long laughter) 
to the American people fifty years hence, when the light of civilization has had more 
time to penetrate, when self-interest has been rebuked by the world rising and giving 
its verdict on these great questions, when it is not a small band of Abolitionists, but 
the civilization of the nineteenth century that undertakes to enter the arena, and dis- 
cuss its last great reform. When that day comes, what shall be thought of these first 
martyrs, who teach us how to live and how to die ? 

Suppose John Brown had not stayed at Harper's Ferry ; suppose on that momentous 
Monday night, when the excited imaginations of two thousand Charlestown people had 
enlarged him and his little band into 400 white men and 200 blacks, he had vanished, 
and when the gallant troops arrived there, 2000 strong, they had found nobody ! The 
mountains would have been peopled with enemies ; the Alleghanies would have heaved 
with insurrection ! You never would have convinced Virginia that all Pennsylvania 
was not armed and on the hills. Virginia has not slept sound since Nat Turner had 
an insurrection in 1831, and she bids fair never to have a nap now. (Laughter.) For 
this is not an insurrection ; this is the penetration of a different element. Mark you, 
it is not the oppressed race rising. Recollect history. There never was a race held 
in chains that absolutely vindicated its own liberty but one. There never was a serf 
nor a slave whose own sword cut off his own chain but one. Blue-eyed, light-haired 
Ansdo-Saxon, it was not our race. We were serfs for three centuries, and we waited 
till commerce and Christianity, and a different law, had melted our fetters. We were 
crowded down into a villeinage which crushed out our manhood so thoroughly that we 
had n't vigor enough to redeem ourselves. Neither did France, neither did Spain, 
neither did the Northern nor the Southern races of Europe have that bright spot on 
their escutcheon, that they put an end to their slavery. Blue-eyed, haughty, con- 
temptuous Anglo-Saxons, it was the black — the only race in the record of history that 
ever after a century of oppression, retained the vigor to write the charter of its eman- 
cipation with its own hand in the blood of the dominant race. Despised, calumniated, 
slandered San Domingo is the only instance in history where a race, with indestructible 
love of justice, serving a hundred years of oppression, rose up under their own leader, 
and with their own hands abolished slavery on their own soil. Wait, garrulous, vain- 
glorious, boasting Anglo-Saxon, till we have done as much, before we talk of the cow- 
ardice of the black race. 

The slaves of our country have not risen ; but, as in all other cases, redemption will 
come from the interference of a wiser, higher, more advanced civilization on its exte- 
rior. It is the universal record of history, and ours is a repetition of the same scene in 
the drama. We have awakened at last the enthusiasm of both classes — those that 
act from impulse, and those that act from calculation. It is a libel on the Yankees to 
sav that it includes the whole race, when you say that if you put a dollar on the other side 
of hell, the Yankee will spring for it at any risk, (laughter) ; for there is an element 
even in the Yankee blood that obeys ideas — there is an impulsive, enthusiastic aspira- 
tion — something left to us from the old Puritan stock — that which made England 
what she was two centuries ago — that which is fated to give the closest grapple with 
the Slave Power to-day. This is an invasion by outside power. Civilization in 1000 
crept along our shores, now planting her foot, and then retreating, — now gaining a 
foothold, and then receding before barbarism, — till at last came Jamestown and 



the joiin brown invasion. 93 

Plymouth, and then thirty States. Harper's Ferry is perhaps one of Raleigh's or Gos- 
wold's eolonies, vanishing and to be swept away ; by and by will conic the immortal 
one hundred and Plymouth Rock, with " MANIFEST DESTINY " written by God's hand 
on their banner, and the right of unlimited " ANNEXATION " granted by Heaven itself. 

It is the lesson of the age. The first cropping out of it is in such a man as John 
Brown. He did not measure his means, lie was not thrifty as to his method; he did 
not calculate closely enough, and he was defeated. What is defeat? Nothing but 
education, — nothing but the first step to something better. All that is wanted is that 
this public opinion shall not creep around like a servile coward, and unbought, but 
corrupt, disordered, insane public opinion proclaim that Gov. Wise, because he satfS he 
is a Governor, is a Governor, that Virginia is a State because she says she is so. 

Thank Cod, I am not a citizen. You will remember, all of you, citizens of the 
United States, there was not a Virginia gun fired at John Crown. Hundreds of well- 
armed Maryland and Virginia troops that went there, never dared to pull a trigger. 
You shot him ! Sixteen marines, to whom you pay $8 a month — your own represen- 
tatives. When the disturbed State could not stand on her own legs for trembling, you 
went there and strengthened the feeble knees, and held up the palsied hand. Sixteen 
men, with the Vulture of the Union above them (sensation) — your representatives! 
It was the covenant with death and agreement with hell, which you call the Union of 
thirty States, that took the old man by the throat with a pirate hand ; and it will be 
the disgrace of our civilization if a gallows is ever erected in Virginia that bears hia 
body. " The most resolute man I ever saw," says Governor Wise ; " the most daring, 
the coolest. I would trust his truth about any question. The sincerest ! " Sincerity, 
courage, resolute daring — Virginia has nothing, nothing for those qualities but a scaf- 
fold ! — (Applause.) In her broad dominion she can only afford him six feet for a 
grave ! God help the Commonwealth that bids such welcome to the noblest qualities 
that can grace poor human nature ! Yet that is the acknowledgment of Gov. Wise 
himself ! 

They say it cost the officers and persons in responsible positions more effort to keep 
hundreds of startled soldiers from shooting the five prisoners sixteeen marines had 
made, than it cost those marines to take the Armory itself. Soldiers and civilians — 
both alike — only a mob fancying itself a government ! And mark you, I have said 
they were not a government. They not only arc not a government, but they have not 
even the remotest idea of wdiat a government is. (Laughter.) They do not begin to 
have the faintest conception of wdiat a civilized government is. Here is a man arraign- 
ed before a jury, or about to be. The State of Virginia, as she calls herself, is about 
to try him. The first step in that trial is a jury; the second is a judge; and at the 
head stands the Chief Executive of the State, who is to put his hand to the death- 
warrant before it can be executed; and yet that very Executive, wdio, according to 
the principles of the sublimest chapter in Algernon Sydney's immortal book, is bound 
by the very responsibility that rests on him, to keep his mind impartial as to the guilt 
of the person arraigned, hastens down to Richmond, hurries to the platform, and pro- 
claims to the assembled Commonwealth of Virginia, " The man is a murderer, and 
ought to be hung." Almost every lip in the State might have said it except that single 
lip of its Governor; and the moment he had uttered these words, in the theory of the 
English law it w r as not possible to impanel an impartial jury in the Commonwealth 
of Virginia; it was not possible to get the. materials and the machinery to try him ac- 
cording to the ugliest pattern of English jurisprudence. And yet the Governor does 
not know that he has written himself down a non compos, and the Commonwealth that 
he governs supposes it is still a Christian polity. They have not the faintest conception 



94 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

of what ^oes to make up government. The worst Jeffries that ever, in his most 
drunken hour, climbed up a lamp-post in the streets of London, would not have tried 
a man who could not stand on his feet. There is no such record in the blackest roll 
of tyranny. If Jeffries could speak he would thank, he would thank God that at last 
his name mi^ht be taken down from the gibbet of History, since the Virginia Bench 
has made his worst act white, set against the blackness of this modern infamy. (Ap- 
plause.) And yet the New York press daily prints the accounts of the trial. Trial ! 
The Inquisition used to break every other bone in a man's body, and then lay him on 
a pallet, giving him neither counsel nor opportunity to consult one, and then wring 
from his tortured mouth something like a confession, and call it a trial. But it was 
heaven-robed innocence compared with the trial, or what the New York press call so, 
that has been going on in startled, frightened Charlestown. I speak what I know, and 
I speak what is but the breath and whisper of the summer breezes compared with the 
tornado of rebuke that will come back from the press of Great Britain when they hear 
that we affect to call that a jury trial, and blacken the names Judge and jury by bap- 
tizing these pirate orgies with such honorable appellations. 

I wish I could say anything worthy of the great deed which has taken place in our 
day — the opening of the sixth seal, the pouring out of the last vial but one on a cor- 
rupt and giant institution. I know that many men will deem me a fanatic for uttering 
this wholesale vituperation, as it will be called, upon a State, and this endorsement of 
a madman. I can only say that I have spoken on this anti-slavery question before the 
American people twenty years ; that I have seen the day when this same phase of 
popular opinion was on the other side. You remember the first time I was ever priv- 
ileged to stand on this platform by the magnanimous generosity of your clergyman, 
when New York was about to bully and crush out the freedom of speech at the dicta- 
tion of Capt. Bynders. From that day to this, the same braving of public thought has 
been "-oinT on from here to Kansas, until it bloomed in the events of the last three 
years. It has changed the whole face of the sentiment in these Northern States. You 
meet with the evidence of it every where. When the first news from Harper's Ferry 
came to Massachusetts, if you were riding in the cars, if you were walking in the 
streets, if you met a Democrat, or a Whig, or a Republican, no matter what his poli- 
tics, it was a singular circumstance that he did not speak of the guilt of Brown, of the 
atrocity of the deed, as you might have expected. The first impulsive expression, the 
first outbreak of every man's words was, " What a pity he did not succeed ! (Laugh- 
ter.) What a fool he was for not going off Monday, when he had all he wanted ! 
How strange that he did not take his victory, and march away with it ! " It indicated 
the unconscious leavening of a sympathy with the attempt. Days followed on ; they 
commenced what they called their trial; you met the same classes again; — no man 
said he ou<dit to be hung ; no man said he was guilty ; no man predicated any thing 
of his moral position ; every man voluntarily and inevitably seemed to give vent to his 
indignation at the farce of a trial — indicative again of that unheeded, unconscious, 
potent, but wide-spread sympathy on the side of Brown. 

Do you suppose that these things mean nothing ? What the tender and poetic 
youth dreams to-day, and conjures up with inarticulate speech, is to-morrow the vo- 
ciferated result of public opinion, and the day after is the charter of nations. The 
sentiments we raise to intellect, and from intellect to character. The American peo- 
ple have begun to feel. The mute eloquence of the fugitive slave has gone up and 
down the highways and by-ways of the country ; it will annex itself to the gi-eat Amer- 
ican heart of the North, even in the most fossil state of its hunkerism, as a latent sym- 
pathy with its right side. This blow, like the first blow at Lexington, heard around 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 97 

the world — this blow at Harper's Ferry reveals men. Watch those about yu ul t j n 
you will see more of the temper and unheeded purpose and real moral j)Osition oi-| -we. 
than you would imagine. This is the way nations are to be judged. Be not ii SO _ 
burr}- ; it will come soon enough from this sentiment. We stereotype feeling into ii. s 
tellect, and then into statutes, and finally into national character. We have got the 
first stage of growth. Nature's live growths crowd out and rive dead matter. Ideas 
strangle statutes. Pulse-beats wear down granite, whether piled in jails or capitals. 
The people's hearts are the only title-deeds, after all. Your Barnburners said, " Pa- 
troon titles are unrighteous." Judges replied, " Such is the law." Wealth shrieked, 
" Vested Rights ! " Parties talked of Constitutions — still, the people said, " Sin." 
They shot a sheriff". A parrot press cried, " Anarchy ! " Lawyers growled, " Mur- 
der!" — still, nobody was hung, if I recollect aright. To-day, the heart of the Barn- 
burner beats in the statute-book of your State. John Brown's movement against 
slavery is exactly the same. Wait awhile, and you '11 all agree with me. What is 
fanaticism to-day is the fashionable creed to-morrow, and trite as the multiplication 
fable a week after. 

John Brown has stirred those omnipotent pulses — Lydia Maria Ciiild is one. 
She says, " That dungeon is the place for me," and writes a letter in magnanimous 
appeal to the better nature of Gov. Wise. She says in it, " John Brown is a hero ; 
he has done a noble deed. I think he was all right ; but he is sick ; he is wounded ; 
he wants a woman's nursing. I am an Abolitionist ; I have been so thirty years. I 
think slavery is a sin, and John Brown a saint ; but I want to come and nurse him ; 
and I pledge my word that if you will open his prison-door, I will use the privilege, 
under sacred honor, only to nurse him. I enclose you a message to Brown ; be sure 
and deliver it." And the message was, " Old man, God bless you ! You have struck 
a noble blow ; you have done a mighty work ; God was with you ; your heart was in 
the right place. I send you across five hundred miles the pulse of a woman's grati- 
tude." And Gov. Wise has opened the door, and announced to the world that she 
may go in. John Brown has conquered the pirate. (Applause.) Hope ! there is 
hope every where. It is only the universal history : 

" Eight forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne ; 
But that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown 
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own." 



94 

of wha' 

drunl 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION 



THE BOSTON MEETING rN AID 

OF THE 

FAMILY OF JOHN BROWN. 



The meeting in Tremont Temple, on Saturday evening, November 18, gathered in 
response to the invitation addressed to those sympathizing with the family of John 
Brown in their poverty and distress, was very large and enthusiastic. 

The speakers announced to address the meeting were Mr. John A. Andrew, Rev. 
George II. Hepworth, Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rev. Jacob M. Manning, and Mr. 
Wendell Phillips. They were present, with the exception of Rev. George H. Hep- 
worth, whose absence was explained by a card, which appeared in the Transcript on 
Saturday afternoon, and subsequently in the Gazette, and which is referred to below. 

John A. Andrew, Esq., a leading member of the Suffolk bar, was chosen to pre- 
side, and opened the meeting with the following remarks : 

Ladies and Gentlemen — Before proceeding to the other exercises and offices of 
this meeting, I doubt not that it will be entirely accordant with the feelings of you all, 
as it certainly is with the proprieties and solemnities of an occasion like this, that the 
audience should first unite in a solemn act of religious worship. To that end, I invite 
you to join in prayer with Reverend Doctor Neale. 

DR. NEALE'S PRAYER. 

" O God, we rejoice that thou art ever nigh ; that though Eternal, Immortal, Invis- 
ible, dwelling in light which no man can approach unto, thou art yet not far from 
every one of us, that we may ask counsel of Him whose wisdom is Infinite, who is 
ready to guide us in the path of duty, and to prepare us to meet every responsibility 
that rests upon us. We rejoice that in our weakness we may lean upon Divine 
strength, and out of thy fullness receive even grace for grace. We rejoice that thou 
art ever present with all those that call upon thy name in sincerity and in truth ; that 
thou art present to guide by thy counsel, to lead by thy care, and supply abundantly 
all our needs, according to the riches of thy glory, in Christ Jesus. We pray, O God, 
that thou wilt be with us on the present occasion ; guide us in the proceedings of the 
present meeting. We pray especially for him who has so extensively excited the 
public sympathy and approbation. We render thanks to thee for the noble spirit of 
generosity, and of fidelity and of bravery which he has manifested, and his deep sym- 
pathy for the oppressed. We thank thee that he is sustained in the present trying 
hour by a consciousness of having acted in accordance with his sense of obligation to 
God ; and we pray that he may be sustained to the last. May he enjoy the light of 
thy presence and thy sustaining power, and a hope full of immortality, looking for- 
ward to a world where there is no sin, no suffering, no oppression of any kind. We 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 97 

pray for his family, O God ! We rejoice to feci that tliou art with them ; that in 
this hour of their suffering and sorrow, they may have communion with thee ; and we 
pray that they may have a rich experience of thy goodness, of thy love, of the conso- 
lation of thy grace. We pray that thou wilt be with them, especially in the scenes 
of intense suffering which they now anticipate. Oh be thou their guide, be thou 
their consolation, thou their support. And wo rejoice, O ! God, that the circum- 
stances which are occurring, all the trying scenes of life, are in thy control. The 
events which have recently occurred we know are capable of subserving the wisest 
and most omniscient purposes. The Lord rcigncth, and we will ever rejoice. Be 
with us in the proceedings of the present meeting, and prepare us for all the duties 
of life, and for the enjoyment of life hereafter ; and to thy great and glorious name 
shall be the praise for ever more. 

SPECH OF JIB. ANDREW. 

At the conclusion of Dr. Neale's prayer, Mr. Andrew said : 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — Obedient to the commands of the gentlemen who 
arranged the meeting on this occasion, I am here present to occupy the simple and 
inarduous duties of chairman. They do not impose upon me the office of speech, and 
I hardly deem it consistent with the proprieties of the position I hold. It simply is 
incumbent upon me to say a single word by way of explanation, of the order and 
arrangement and principles of this meeting, and to present to you the distinguished 
and eloquent friends who have complied with the invitation of the committee, and are 
here present to address this audience. Many hearts were touched by the words of 
John Brown, in a recent letter to Lydia Maria Child : 

" I have at home a wife and three young daughters, the youngest but little over five 
years old, the oldest nearly sixteen. I also have two daughters-in-law, whose hus- 
bands have both fallen near me here. There is also another widow, Mrs. Thompson, 
whose husband fell here. Whether she is a mother or not, I cannot say. I have a 
middle-aged son, who has been, in some degree, a cripple from his childhood, who 
would have as much as he could well do to earn a living. He has not enough to 
clothe himself for the winter comfortably." 

John Brown and his companions in the conflict at Harper's Ferry, those who fell 
there and those who are to suffer upon the scaffold, are victims or martyrs to an idea. 
There is an irresistible conflict (great applause) between Freedom and Slavery, as 
old and as immortal as the irrepressible conflict between right and wrong. They are 
among the martyrs of that conflict. 

I pause not now to consider, because it is wholly outside of the duty or the thought 
of this assembly to-night, whether the enterprise of John Brown and his associates in 
Virginia was wise or foolish, right or wrong ; I only know that whether the enterprise 
itself was one or the other, John Brown himself is right. (Applause.) I sympathize 
with the man. I sympathize with the idea because I sympathize with and believe in 
the eternal right. They who are dependent upon him, and his sons and his associates 
in the battle at Harper's Ferry, have a right to call upon us who have professed to 
believe, or who have in any manner or measure taught, the doctrine of the rights of 
man as applied to the colored slaves of the South, to stand by them in their bereave- 
ment, whether those husbands and fathers and brothers were right or wrong. (Ap- 
plause.) And therefore we have met to take counsel together, and assist each other 
in the arrangement and apportionment of means for the purpose of securing to those 



9g THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

widowed and bereaved wives and families the necessities of mere mortal existence, 
which the striking down of husbands and sons and brothers has left them bereft of. 
The committee for this evening had invited to address you the Rev. Mr. Manning, 
Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Mr. Wendell Phillips. Added to these gentlemen 
was the Rev. George II. Hepworth. Mr. Manning, Mr. Emerson, and Mr. Phillips 
are here to speak for themselves. Mr. Hepworth has addressed to a member of the 
committee the following note : — 

Boston, Nov. 19. 
Dear Sir, — I shall not be with you to-night to speak concerning the great ques- 
tion of the day, because I feel that the advertisement in the papers has compromised 
my position. It does not tell the truth which is of prime importance to me, that both 
sides of the question were to be discussed. It gives a decided impression that those 
who were to speak favored the whole movement, whereas I am severely opposed to it. 
Feeling that I should be out of harmony with the meeting, I remain away. 

Yours, truly, 

George H. Hepworth. 

The gentlemen who invited Mr. Hepworth and the other gentlemen who were pre- 
sent to-night, to occupy this platform, attempted to make themselves explicitly under- 
stood, and it is quite a misfortune either to them or Mr. Hepworth, or to all, that they 
did not succeed in that instance. This platform is entirely free from the expression 
of any sentiment on the part of those who occupy it, touching the subject matter of 
the meeting. It was not suspected by anybody that there were two sides to the ques- 
tion whether John Brown's wife and children should be left to starve or not. (Long 
continued applause.) On that issue I expect no considerable acrimony of debate 
between the gentlemen of extreme orthodoxy and of extreme heterodoxy whom I shall 
have the honor hereafter to present to you upon this platform. Gentlemen, all of 
them, of marked, of intelligent, of decided opinions, and of entire respect for them- 
selves and for their own individuality, they will each present such aspect of this great 
cause, and of this most touching and pathetic case, as occurs to them. It will not 
compromise Mr. Phillips that he sits upon a platform consecrated by the prayer of the 
Kev. Dr. Neale, and it will not compromise the Rev. Mr. Manning that he works to- 
night side by side and hand in hand with Ralph Waldo Emerson, in the cause of God 
and humanity. (Applause.) Standing in the valley of the shadow of death, — look- 
in°-, each man, from himself towards that infinite and eternal centre of life and love 
and power, the Infinite Father, — all difference between us mortals and men becomes 
dwarfed into infinite littleness. We are to-night in the presence of a great and awful 
sorrow, which has fallen like a pall upon many families, whose hearts fail, whose affec- 
tions are lacerated, and whose hopes are crushed — all of hope left upon earth 
destroyed by an event which, under the Providence of God, I pray may be overruled 
for that eood which was contemplated and intended by John Brown himself. But 
this is not my occasion for words. I have only to invite you friends, to listen with 
affectionate interest and feeling hearts to what you shall bear from hence to-night, and 
by practical sympathy and material help assuage those sufferings and those griefs. 
Among other instrumentalities for the aid of the family of Mr. Brown and those of his 
immediate associates, in addition to the collection which may be realized by the sale 
of tickets at the door, there will be a committee appointed this evening, for the pur- 
pose of receiving subscriptions and donations, of whatever amount, from whatever friends 
choose to contribute of their substance ; and this committee, having a central position 
here in Boston, will receive contributions from any part of the neighboring country. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 99 

I am requested, also, to call attention to the project of Mr. Hyatt, of New York, by 
which photographic likenesses of Capt. Brown arc to be placed on sale in a short time, 
— the profits of which will go to the benefit of Mr. Brown's family. I am also request- 
ed by a gentleman of this city, to say that he has caused the address of Capt. John 
Brown to the Virginia court, upon the reception of the death sentence, to be printed 
in this neat form for preservation. 

[The speaker here exhibited a large illuminated card, on which the document is 
printed.] It has the additional attraction of a fac-simile of the signature of Capt. 
Brown. This will be for sale at the door at the low price of ten cents each. A 
thousand copies have been struck off, and the whole proceeds will go into the treasury 
of the committee hereafter to be appointed, the gentleman defraying the expenses of 
printing himself. (Applause.) 

I have nofcv, ladies and gentlemen, the pleasure of introducing to you the Rev. Mr. 
Manning, of Boston.' 

SPEECH OF REV. J. M. MANNING, OF THE OLD SOUTH CHURCH. 

I feel greatly indebted to the gentleman who presides over this meeting, for the 
explanation he has made in regard to the objects which have called us together : for 
if I had understood the objects of the meeting as they seem to have been understood 
by the gentleman whose note has just been read, I should have been inclined to stay 
away. The gentleman who called on me, and invited me to speak here this evening, 
told me, — and if I have read the notice right in the paper, that also tells us, — that this 
is a meeting in which we are to express sympathy for the famity of John Brown. (Ap- 
plause.) And I suppose that if there were a destitute family in Boston, and I should 
take my little basket of provisions and go to relieve that family, and should there 
meet the distinguished gentlemen who are on the stage this evening, and who are to 
speak to you, or if I should meet others of adverse religious sentiments who may be in 
the audience, — I suppose we could each leave the little gifts we had brought, and go 
away without quarrelling. I cannot see any negative to the question. It seems to 
me it is all affirmative, so far as this is concerned, — and if there is a negative, there 
is not an instinct of my humanity but it cries out, and tells me not to be on that side. 
I suppose, from what I have heard, that, so far as religious sentiment is concerned, I 
am more nearly in sympathy with that prisoner in Charlestown Jail, Virginia, than 
perhaps others who may address you this evening, and in this respect may number 
with myself that honored minister of Christ, who has led in our devotions this even- 
ing. You have expressed your sympathy with the family of John Brown by pur- 
chasing tickets ; we express our sympathies by declaring our opinions, — and it is rather 
difficult for me to speak without alluding to that outbreak at Harper's Ferry, and 
giving my judgment upon it ; and though in some particulars I may differ from many 
who are present, probably from some who will speak, I think that in the main we 
shall agree. 

The act of John Brown was not one to which I could have advised him. If he had 
come to me while he was meditating that undertaking, and asked me whether he 
should go forward or not, I should have told him to refrain. I should have said to 
him, " You will be performing an unlawful, a fool-hardy, a suicidal act." And yet, 
when I make this remark, I remember that we have fillibusters who go to Central 
America to liberate those living under Spanish tyranny, as they call it ; and it seems 
to me that if our General Government winks at their iniquity, it has no right to 
pounce upon John Brown for what he has done, because he is a weak man, alone, and 
because he has meddled with something which affects the relations of political parties. 

.1 mSt\ 



100 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

I could not have advised him to it, and yet, now that the event has taken place, I 
stand before it wondering and admiring. (Applause.) I remember that it is some- 
thing which he has been revolving in his mind for years, until his soul has become 
possessed with the idea. He says he is not insane. I believe he is a good man, and has 
been doin^ that which he thought was right; and the only explanation I can now give 
is, that he has been the instrument of Providence in this. The distinguished speaker 
who is to follow me would call it destiny ; I should prefer to call it God, my Heavenly 
Father, who has used this man, John Brown, as his sword, to inflict a wound on the 
slave power. Whatever we may say of it, he has been possessed by some power 
higher than man's. As I view it, he is God's finger coming forth in the halls of the 
o-reat modern Belshazzar, and writing over against the wall those mysterious, yet 
appalling Avords, at which the monarch trembles and turns pale on his throne. While 
we are here this evening, knowing that our wives — if not present — and our little 
ones, stay safely in our homes, there are mothers in the Southern States, whom the 
Providence of God has made the wives of slaveholders, — innocent of this great sin, 
who may say that Providence placed them in their present circumstances ; and these 
wives and mothers to-night, as they gather their children around them, offer the 
prayer that they may be protected from the invader. And they will go to bed with 
weapons under their pillows, knowing that their streets are patrolled by an armed 
police. This is the condition of the Southern States ; verily, the tyrant trembles and 
turns pale in the midst of his revels. (Applause.) 

It has seemed to me that we might, perhaps, get a juster view of this transaction by 
comparing it with a parallel case, lying back two or three generations in history — 
the Boston Massacre of March the 5th, 1770. Then it was a black man sacrificing his 
life in behalf of oppressed white men. Here it is a white man sacrificing his life in 
behalf of enslaved black men. Crispus Attucks, not a citizen of Boston, but of Mid- 
dlesex County, came to this city when the inhabitants were full of terror, greatly ex- 
cited by the presence of two regiments of British soldiers ; and on the evening of 
March 5th, there was an outbreak in King street, now State street, headed by Crispus 
Attucks, which resulted in his own death, and that of several of his comrades, at the 
hands of the British soldiery. Now, if I had been living at that time, and Crispus At- 
tucks had come to me, and asked my advice in regard to the matter, I could not have 
advised him to undertake it. (Laughter.) I should have said to him, Refrain, re- 
strain your feeling. I think that Samuel Adams, and John Adams, and John Han- 
cock, and Joseph Warren — one of his eulogists afterwards — would have given him 
the same advice, had he come to them for it beforehand ; and I believe that few if any 
historians have commended that outbreak in King street. I have never seen a full 
and thorough endorsement of it in itself considered. But after the event, they had a 
funeral ; and the citizens of Boston marched six abreast through the streets, the car- 
riage following ; and they carried Crispus Attucks and his fellow victims to the middle 
burying-ground, now overlooked by the Athcnamm, and over their remains erected a 
stone, and on it carved this inscription : — 

" Long as in freedom's causo the wise contend, 
« Dear to your country, shall your fame extend; 
While to the world the lettered stone shall tell 
How Caldwell, Attucks, Gray and Maverick fell." 

And when the anniversary of that tragedy came round — tho fifth of March — they 
observed it in the Old South Church, still standing. (Applause.) There was an 
oration, and the wounded survivors of the massacre were present on the stage, in that 



TUB JOHN BIIOWN INVASION. 101 

"sanctuary of freedom," and a collection was taken in their behalf And so it grew 
to a custom. And the last public address that Joseph Warren ever made, a few 
weeks before the battle of Bunker Hill, was on thai occasion, when he was surrounded 
by British soldiery, some of them standing in the pulpil with him, telling him to desist 
But he spoke on like a man, (applause,) and they did not dare to touch a hair of his 
head. And when the Declaration of Independence was promulgated, they changed 
that celebration, in honor of the event, from the 5th of March to the 4th of July. 
(Applause.) Thus it is that we. have come to have our annual oration on the 4th of 
July, which has given us so many excellent orations, — Union-saving, — which of latter 
years have made our City Fathers so much pleasant work, all growing out of that 
same Boston massacre, to which I could not have advised the leader, if he had come 
to me beforehand. (Laughter.) Even Daniel Webster has said that " from that mo- 
ment," the moment when the blood of those men stained the pavement of King street, 
"we may date the severance of the British empire." And so I say, in regard to my 
brother, John Brown — if he dies, as it seems he must, for the Virginians are between 
two fears — an immediate fear that a volcano will explode under them, and a more 
distant fear that they shall not reap the fruits of political success; and I am afraid 
that the immediate fear, as is apt to be the case, will overpower that which is more 
remote, and therefore that John Brown will suffer the sentence which has been pro- 
nounced upon him ; and if he does, and if that event should be observed next year, 
when it comes round ; and so on from year to year ; and if, half a century hence, cur 
children should be rid of this great national curse of slavery, then no one will refer, 
except with pride and exultation, to the battle of Harper's Ferry. (Applause.) And 
there will come forth some other Daniel Webster, who, standing at a safe distance 
from the event, (laughter and cheers,) will say that from the time when John Brown 
swung between heaven and earth, we may date the beginning of the end of American 
slavery. There is another parallel in these two cases. It is amusing to read the jour- 
nals of that early day, especially those in the interest of the English Government, 
about the year 1770, and to see the curious explanations which they give of the out- 
break in King street. They say that it was attributable to the influence of certain 
hot-headed ministers and others in Boston; some of them are named, — names that 
we love and honor now. It was said that these had produced an excitement in the 
country, and encouraged a fanatical spirit, which had resulted in the mob and massa- 
cre. But what said the people of Boston ? The selectmen called a town meeting, 
and they went to Fancuil Hall. It was not large enough to hold them ; and again 
they went to the Old South Church. And they appointed a committee — of which, 
if I mistake not, Samuel Adams was the chairman — to intercede with the Governor, 
that those two regiments of British soldiers might be removed from the city ; for, said 
the}-, in substance, we deplore this outbreak, we regret that it has taken place ; we 
fear that there will be other outrages of the same kind, if the incitement is not taken 
out of the way. Our people are very much excited, aud their consciences are awake 
in this matter ; and if you would not see this affair repeated many times, you must 
remove the soldiers. And, after a great deal of chaffering and hesitating, the Gover- 
nor complied with the request, and thus the inhabitants were pacified. Now we be- 
lieve that they located the responsibility where it belonged. We believe that it was 
the presence of those regiments of British soldiers, and not a few hot-headed ministers, 
who were chargeable with that outbreak on King street. And just so, we say, with 
regard to this affair at Harper's Ferry. The journals in the interest of the slave 
power ascribe it to a few Northern fanatics, who have roused up the baser passions 
of men ; and they say that we arc responsible for the bloody acts of John Brown and 



.102 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

his associates. But we say no, — the regiments are to blame. The slave power itself 
standing up there in all its deformity and wickedness in the sight of Northern con- 
sciences, — that is the cause, (applause,) and there the responsibility belongs. The 
wise man, Solomon, — what docs he say of oppression ? He says that it " maketh a 
wise man mad." It does ; and it will make others like John Brown, if it is not taken 
out of the way. It stands there a continual provocative. We cannot resist such a 
temptation while we have human instincts, and conscience within us. (Applause.) 
We may become men of distinction, like John Brown, of Ossawatomie, and Providence 
will use, us to write ominous inscriptions in the presence of this tyrant. 

And now it occurs to me, before I sit down to give way to those whom I know you are 
waiting to hear, — inasmuch as I have alluded to the removal of the great primal cause 
of these outbreaks, — to speak of the spirit in which we should endeavor to remove the 
evil of American slavery out of the land. I do not wish to speak unkindly of any who 
have labored in this glorious cause of freedom, and I will not. But is there not room to 
suppose, my friends, that we have not manifested enough of that spirit of love which 
is so powerful in all reformatory undertakings ? I do not take back my words ; I 
would not have any men less faithful and plain-spoken, but more so, in holding up the 
wickedness and violence of this system. But cannot we be loving at the same time 
that we are manful ? Let us be careful that the element of malignity does not mingle 
in our philanthropy. If we love our fellow-men, we must hate some things ; but let 
us guard that feeling of hatred. My friends, you know how it is with the mother 
when she corrects her wayward child. You can see the tear in her eye, and her face 
is full of affectionate emotion, while she is faithful to correct that child. So with the 
father when he rebukes his son — he weeps and laments in his heart. Let us remem- 
ber the story of Eva and Topsy. The abuse which that strange little creation 
received from her owners before she came into the hands of St. Clair, did not make 
her any better, but worse ; nor did the lecturing of Miss Ophelia accomplish the 
result. It was Eva, going to her and saying, " Topsy, you say nobody cares for you 

— I care for you — why will you be so naughty ? " Faithfulness, mingled with love, 
generosity and kindly interest, breathed through her efforts to liberate that little one 
from her wicked whims. And I remember that when our Saviour uttered his anath- 
emas over the city of Jerusalem, he wept, saying, "Oh! that thou hadst known, but it 
is hid from thine eyes." And when he was pouring forth those maledictions upon the 
heads of the Pharisees, saying, " Woe unto thee Chorazin, woe unto thee, Bethsaida," 

— or when in the midst of that storm, while his words fell like thunderbolts upon their 
devoted heads, in the midst of it all we hear the voice of love and compassion, musical 
as the tones of an iEolian harp — " Come unto me all ye that labor and are heavy 
laden, and .1 will give you rest." It seems to me, my friends, that we have an oppor- 
tunity, now, to exercise this generosity towards our fellow-citizens of the South. They 
are in danger; they tremble ; they fear for their homes, their firesides, their families, 
their lives. Now is the time for us to endeavor to devise some means by which the 
chasm that separates us from them may be bridged over, so that we may go to them 
and say, " I love you ; I do not wish to see your families murdered ; I do not wish to 
destroy your property. But you are engaged in a great sin, American slavery. It 
,'.. a sin. We must lift up our voices like a trumpet, to show you that it is sinful. 
But we love you; it is a national sin; its roots are in Northern soil (applause) as 
much as in Southern soil. Let us reason together over this matter. And now help 
us ; let us work hand-in-hand in endeavoring to remove from our country this great 
evil and curse." While we labor in this spirit — manfully, truthfully, faithful to 
justice and to the right, yet remaining fraternal all the while, if we can unite these 



THE JOUN BROWN INVASION. 103 

two elements in one effort to remove slavery from the land, then it seems to me that 
we shall use influences, which, under God's blessing, shall result ultimately in the 
accomplishment of that for which we pray and labor. And though it should not be 
done in our time, though we should be gathered to the fathers, and our enterprise 
should seem to be frustrated, yet, when we lay our heads low we can reflect, as John 
Brown to-night in his lonely cell may reflect, and as his widow we fear that is to be, 
and his children and friends may reflect — I say we can all feed our courage with the 
reflection that 

" They never fail who dio 

In a great cause. The block may soak their gore; 

Their heads may sodden in the sun; their limbs 

Be strung to city gates and castle walls: 

But still their spirit walks abroad. Though years 

Elapse, and others share as dark a doom, 

They but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts 

Which overpower all others, and conduct 

The world at last to freedom." 

At the conclusion of Mr. Manning's remarks, Mr. Andrew said: I think the interior 
of the Old South Church has been extensively remodelled, and I believe the pulpit in 
which Warren spoke has been removed and replaced by a new one ; yet I think the 
spirit of Joseph Warren sometimes, at least, revisits those ancient walls, sacred to 
liberty ; and that we have heard an echo of his voice to-night. (Applause.) From 
the Old South Church we will turn our eyes to tfie battle-ground of Concord. When 
the monument was inaugurated which marks the spot consecrated by bloodshed in the 
cause of American liberty, a Concord poet flung a garland from his muse upon its 
6haft, and the first stanzas may not be inappropriate as his introduction ; 

"By the rude bridge that arched the flood, 
Their flag to April's breeze unfurled — 
Ilere once the embattled farmers stood, 
And fired a shot heard round the world." 

That poet and that writer needs no introduction by one so humble as I, to a Boston 
assembly. Tnow introduce to you Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson. 

SPEECH OF MR. RALPH WALDO EMERSON. 

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens : I share the sympathy and sorrow which 
have brought us together. Gentlemen who have preceded me have well said that no wall 
of separation could here exist. This commanding event which has brought us together, 
— the sequel of which has brought us together, — eclipses all others which have occur- 
red for a long time in our history, and I am very glad to see that this sudden interest 
in the hero of Harper's Ferry has provoked an extreme curiosity in all parts of the 
republic, in regard to the details of his history. Every anecdote is eagerly sought, and 
I do not wonder that gentlemen find traits of relation readily between him and them- 
selves. One finds a relation in the church, another in the profession, another in the 
place of his birth. He was happily a representative of the American republic. Capt. 
John Brown is a farmer, the fifth in descent from Peter Brown, who came to Plymouth 
in the Mayflower, in 1G20. All the six have been farmers. His grandfather, of Sims- 
bury, in Connecticut, was a captain in the Revolution. His father, largely interested 
as a raiser of stock, became a contractor to supply the army with beef, in the war of 
1812, and our Captain John Brown, then a boy with his father, was present and wit- 
nessed the surrender of General Hull. He cherishes a great respect for his father as 



104 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

a man of strong character, and his respect is probably just. For himself, lie is so 
transparent that all men see him through. He is a man to make friends -wherever on 
earth courage and integrity are esteemed — (applause) ; the rarest of heroes, a pure 
idealist, with no by-ends of his own. Many of you have seen him, and every one -who 
has heard him speak has been impressed alike by his simple, artless goodness, joined 
•with his sublime courage. He joins that perfect Puritan faith which brought his fifth 
ancestor to Plymouth Rock, with his grandfather's ardor in the Revolution. He be- 
lieves in two articles — two instruments shall I say — the Golden Rule and the Decla- 
ration of Independence (applause) ; and he used this expression in conversation here, 
" Better that a whole generation of men, women and children should pass away by a 
violent death, than that one word of either should be violated in this country." There 
is a Unionist — there is a strict constructionist for you ! (Applause and laughter.) He 
believes in the Union of the United States, he believes in the Union of America, and 
he conceives that the only obstruction to the Union is slavery, and for that reason, as a 
patriot, he works for its abolition. The Governor of Virginia has pronounced his eulogy 
in a manner that discredits the moderation of our timid parties. His own speeches to 
the Court have interested the nation in him. What magnanimity, and what innocent 
pleading, as of childhood ! You remember his words — " If I had interfered in behalf 
of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or any of their friends, 
parents, wives, or children, it would all have been right. No man in this court would 
have thought it a crime. But I believe that to have interfered as I have done, for the 
despised poor, I have done no wrong, but right." 

It is easy to see what a favorite he will be with history, which plays such pranka 
with temporary reputations. Nothing can resist the sympathy which all elevated 
minds must feel with Brown, and through them the whole civilized world ; and, if he 
must suffer, he must drag official gentlemen into an immortality most undesirable, and 
of which they have already some disagreeable forebodings. (Applause.) Indeed, it is 
the rcducllo ad absurdum of slavery, when the Governor of Virginia is forced to hang 
a man whom he declares to be a man of the most integrity, truthfulness and courage 
he has ever met. Is that the kind of man the gallows is built for ? It were bold to 
affirm that there is within that broad Commonwealth, at this moment, another citizen 
as worthy to live, and as deserving of all public and private honor, as this poor 
prisoner. 

But we are here to think of relief for the family of John Brown. To my eyes that 
family looks very large and very needy of relief. It comprises his brave fellow suffer- 
ers in the Charlestown jail ; the fugitives still hunted in the mountains of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania ; the sympathizers with him in all the States ; and I may say, almost 
every man who loves the Golden Rule and the Declaration of Independence, like him, 
and who sees what a tiger's thirst threatens him in the malignity of public sentiment 
in the slave States. It seems to me that a common feeling joins the people of Massa- 
chusetts with him. I said John Brown was an idealist. He believed in his ideas to 
that extent that he existed to put them all into action. He did not believe in moral 
suasion ; — he believed in putting the thing through. (Applause.) He saw how 
deceptive the forms are. "We fancy, in Massachusetts, that we are free ; yet it seems 
the government is quite unreliable. Great wealth, — great population, — men of tal- 
ent in the Executive, on the Bench, — all the forms right, — and yet, life and freedom 
are not safe. Why ? because the Judges rely on the forms, and do not, like John 
Brown, use their eyes to see the fact behind the forms. 

They assume that the United States can protect its witness or its prisoner. And, 
in Massachusetts, that is true ; but the moment he is carried out of the bounds of Mas- 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 105 

saehusetts, the United States, it is notorious, afford no protection at all; tlie Govern- 
ment, the Judges, are an envenomed party, and give such protection as they give in 
Utah to honest citizens, or in Kansas; such protection as they give to their own Com- 
modore Paulding, when he was simple enough to mistake the formal instructions of hifl 
Government for their real meaning. (Applause.) The Judges fear collision 
between their two allegiances ; but there are worse evils than collision ; namely, the 
doing substantial injustice. A good man will see that the use of a Judge is to secure 
good government, and where the citizen's weal is imperilled by abuse of the Federal 
power, to use that arm which cau secure it, viz : the local government. Had that 
been done, on certain calamitous occasions, we should not have seen the honor of 
Massachusetts trailed in the dust, stained to all ages, once and again, by the ill-timed 
formalism of a venerable Bench. If Judges cannot find law enough to maintain the 
sovereignty of the State, and to protect the life and freedom of every inhabitant not a 
criminal, it is idle to compliment them as learned and venerable. What avails their 
learning or veneration ? t At a pinch, they are of no more use than idiots. After the 
mischance they wring their hands, but they had better never have been born. A 
Vermont Judge, Hutchinson, who has the Declaration of Independence in his heart, a 
Wisconsin Judge, who knows that laws are for the protection of citizens against kid- 
nappers, is worth a court-house full of lawyers so idolatrous of forms as to let go the 
substance. Is any man in Massachusetts so simple as to believe that when a United 
States Court in Virginia, now, in its present reign of terror, sends to Connecticut, or 
New York, or Massachusetts, for a witness, it wants him for a witness ? No ; it wants 
him for a party ; it wants him for meat to slaughter and eat. And your habeas corpus 
is, in any way in which it has been, or, I fear, is likely to be used, a nuisance, and not 
a protection ; for it takes away his right reliance on himself, and the natural assistance 
of his friends and fellow-citizens, by offering him a form which is a piece of paper. 
But I am detaining the meeting on matters which others understand better. I hope, 
then, that in administering relief to John Brown's family we shall remember all those 
-whom his fate concerns, all who are in sympathy with him, and not forget to aid him 
in the best way, by securing freedom and independence in Massachusetts. 

MR. EMERSON CONTRIBUTES FIFTY DOLLARS. 

Mr. Andrew — Added to the words which Concord has sent hither to-night, also 
keeping in mind its reputation for deeds, Mr. Emerson was the bearer of fifty dollars 
to add to the treasury of the evening. (Great applause.) I think, therefore, ladies 
and gentlemen, the time has arrived to appoint a financial committee to receive this 
the first offering. I will take the liberty to appoint Messrs. Samuel E. Sewall, Geo. 
F. Bigelow, John E. Mauley, John L. Emmons, and Humphrey Jameson. 

Contrasts and comparisons (said Mr. Andrew,) arc always disagreeable, at least to 
jone side. Without a single word of remark, I will proceed at once to present to the 
audience one of whom it can be truly said, none but himself can be his parallel — Mr. 
Wendell Phillips. (Great applause.) 

SPEECH OF WENDELL PHILLIPS. 

I hardly know, ladies and gentlemen, what there is left me to say, in regard to the 
cause which has called us together to-night. Certainly, the speakers who have 
addressed us have covered with wonderful and eloquent sympathy almost all the 
points which would be spoken of naturally in a meeting like this. And I believe it 
is an unwonted pleasure, at least to me, to know that a clergyman of the Old South 



10G THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

pulpit has robbed me of the choicest morsel of the speech I was about to make. 
(Laughter.) No man could come here to this meeting, Boston born, without that 
parallel in his mind which he has so eloquently presented to us, of the massacre of the 
5th of March. Then, as now, full-fed conservatism said it was "madness — a few 
insane men flinging themselves against an empire." Then, as now, the question was 
before the courts, and the courts pronounced the law to be against the martyrs of the 
5th of March. They acquitted the men who shot Attacks. And my eloquent friend 
has omitted only one point of the parallel. Then, as now, the citizens flocked to the 
Old South Church as the appropriate place to express their indignation ; and to-day, 
we do not go to the Old South Church, but, thank God, the Old South Church comes 
to us. (Applause.) I like this " South-side view " of slavery. (Laughter and ap- 
plause.) It smacks of the revolutionary flavor. If there is truth in spiritualism, the 
man who stands in the pulpit of the Old South Church is a medium betwixt Joseph 
Warren and John Hancock ; for truly the sentiments with which they started up the 
patriotism of the town of Boston are identical with the* doctrine which he has 
preached to us to-night. (Applause.) True, as he has told us, the quiet history of 
modern times has picked flaws in the brave scenes of that March night, but he recol- 
lects well, or I do, that in John Hancock's oration, and Joseph Warren's, the men who 
felt the full flow of revolutionary fervor in their veins, and who felt what, standing at 
the head of the Revolution, they owed the martyrs of the 5th of March, — in none 
of these contemporary judgments is there one word of adverse criticism. On the 
contrary, there is the fullest and most complete endorsement. I know modern history 
has picked many flaws in the character of the men of the 5th of March, and later 
down. One of the most beautiful and touching elements in this event is that, as 
far as we can see, if we had asked God to make us a man that should stand before 
the nation as the representative of the American idea, unspotted, dignified, modest, 
resolute, merciful and Christian, it would seem as if a more perfect representative 
could not have been given us than the martyr of Harper's Ferry. (Applause.) In 
every word that he has spoken, in every act that he has done, in the whole history of 
the conflict, and of everything that has followed it, in the long life upon which the 
blaze of this event throws backward its light, there does not seem to have been a trait 
that we cannot with a whole heart honor. (Applause.) \We have no apologies to 
make ; we have no excuses to frame ; we have no incidents to hide ; we have no 
words to take back. It is the old Mayflower cropping out, and every son of the Pil- 
grims is able truthfully to say, that what we imagined Plymouth Rock, John Brown 
is. (Applause.) Read that simple recital in The Independent from the lips of his 
wife ; honest, truthful, kneeling daily at his family altar, bringing up his children with 
daily recognition of their allegiance to God, banishing from his military troops, even 
in the tumult of Kansas, every man whose lips were familiar with a profane word, 
allowing neither intemperance, nor anything that could be called sensuality, drawing 
to himself the very model of the puritans, passing his life in that guise, with one polar 
star before him from his very boyhood ; for you know he says that the first thought 
that ever turned his heart towards the black race, was when, on a Pennsylvania farm, 
a boy of ten, he found himself yoke-fellow with a negro of the same age — a smarter 
boy than himself, says the old man, more capable, brighter, and yet he was half 
starved, snubbed, oppressed, turned out to the elements, treated like a beast, and he 
said to himself, (this thoughtful boy of ten years old), " Why should a black skin make 
that difference between me and him ? " and he has never been able to answer this 
question till to-day. His whole life has been an effort to answer it ; and if Virginia 
sends him to his audit, we may believe that the Supreme Judge will hold that he has 



TIIE JOHN BUOWN INVASION. 107 

answered it at last. Look at hira there in that Armory — not an unnecessary act of 
violence, not one moment provoked into intemperate action — neither by the death of 
kindred nor by the rudeness of assailants provoked into a forgetful moment. What 
scene can history paint for us more impressive? Thank God, it is an American scene. 
Then that poor old man, brought up at his mother's knees, and taught, in the lan- 
guage of inspiration, that "he that hiveth father or mother more than me is not worthy 
of me," leaves wife and children poor, friendless, stands behind that armory wall, one 
hand holding the musket, and the other trying the pulse of his dying son — match it 
in the sublime moments of human patience, human disinterestedness and human dar- 
ing. (Applause.) What a contrast to the State of Virginia — what a revelation of 
national character. The man who inflicted three wound* upon his body testifies, with 
shameless pride, bearing a military title, that he entered that Armory, saw an unarm- 
ed, defenceless man, who had acknowledged his surrender, and was pointed out to him 
as John Brown, advanced towards him with his sword, and wounded him through the 
body ; the old man, folding his arms, bares his head, and the wretch repeats the blow 
on his uncovered liead. ("Shame!" "Shame!") The man was asked, " Could you 
have the heart to strike the blow ? " "I would have cut his head off with another," 
said the chivalry of Virginia. Well, is not that, with the folded arms and quiet 
demeanor, a proper representative of what the Northern idea should be ? Could we 
ask a better symbol for history ? Do you say that the world forgets him ? I tell you 
that such instances are not alone. They symbolize a universal feeling. Virginia has 
seen the only noble heart that this event has manifested within her borders — a girl 
throwing herself between the muskets and the defenceless breast of one of the victims, 
clinging to his head and neck to shield him from bayonet and bullet — Miss Foulke. 
She symbolized the heart of Christendom, throwing itself between Virginia and that 
infirm old man ; and Virginia will yet wake up to the thing and see herself in the ruf- 
fian and Christianity in that humane girl. 

So much for the man. We come here to remember his children, his wife. He looks 
back on the world he is quitting, and says to us who owe to him the example of such 
virtue : " I leave to you my wife and children." Let us prove worthy of the legacy. 
Let us send him a message to-night from Boston : " We lay your wife and children in 
the very corner of our hearts ; they shall be sheltered ; be sure of it before you die." 
Men say that this enterprise was hopeless. It was an imprudent enterprise. Goethe 
says there are prudent virtues and there are higher virtues — virtues that never re- 
mind us of prudence. This is one of the latter. (Applause). To be sure, it was an 
imprudent virtue, but we have lived many years and we have heard of a great many 
instances of imprudent virtue. I have lived twenty years in Boston. I can remem- 
ber a Western clergyman of this same Mayflower blood — God be praised that it 
sends out its veins East and West to bubble up wherever it is needed ; for wherever 
there is a fierce battle to be fought for an idea, you can trace its lineage back to old 
Plymouth Bock. They talk of building a large monument of granite, and the question 
down there is where to fix its foundation ; well I will tell you : they may lay one cor- 
ner stone at Harper's Ferry and the other at Alton, where Lovejoy flung his life away 
in the foolish attempt, so Boston said, to vindicate a free press. An Attorney-General 
said in Faneuil Hall, " he died as the fool dieth " ; and a Boston pulpit said, " The 
guilt of the murder was not on the mobocrats, but on the man that died." The Bos- 
ton press said, " What a fool — what a fanatic — what a failure — what good has he 
done ? " If you will go to Alton to-day, you will find that the repentant city has 
taken up his ashes and made him a more honorable monument to the only name that 
gives a nforal interest to Alton. Some night, ten years hence, you won't find tLis 



108 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

platform so empty ; all Boston will have found out tbat John Brown's enterprise was 
not a failure. When did man ever do more ? Can you point me to a life, even if it 
was sixty years long, and had statues raised to it, that taught the American people 
half as much in seventy years of public life as this Litchfield schoolmaster has taught 
the American people in a week ? It seems to me that in judging lives, this man, in- 
stead of being a failure, has done more to lift tkejAmerican people, to hurry forward 
the settlement of a great question, to touch all hearts, to teach us ethics, than a hun- 
dred men could have done, living each one to eighty years old. Is that a failure ? 
Why, the whole world talks about him. Every man's heart is stirred because of him. 
A great State turns pale at the memory of him. The whole world will yet ring with 
the heroism of his attempt. ^He has opened a light upon the Bastile of America. Is 
that a failure ? Look at that anti-slavery catechism, his conversation with Senator 
Mason. See the New England farmer looming up a great man, and the dwarf Judges 
and Senators that stand about him, and the press printing that anti-slavery catechism 
to the number of 500,000 copies, forcing every American citizen to read it. Why, 
men say he should remember that lead is wasted in bullets, and is much better made 
into type. Well, he fired one gun, and he has made use of the New-York Herald and 
Tribune for a fortnight. (Applause). Has any man ever used types better ? But there 
is another item. What has he done ? He has done this. Edmund Burke says that 
a nation that calls itself a civilized society and keeps one-half its citizens in slavery is 
but another name for tyranny. Well, John Brown believed it. We see in this 
country despotism doing great things illegally, and liberty doing nothing at all exactly 
according to law. We have seen the Missouri ruffians break into the United States 
armory in the State of Missouri, take possession of the United States arms, carry 
them to Kansas and bathe them in the blood of honest men, and the United States 
government has yet to utter its first word of criticism. Sworn testimony, spread out 
on the pages of a Congressional document, shows it ; and yet the government is silent. 
John Brown takes possession of the United States armory in Virginia and never 
touches a gun nor a dollar. The world says he is a madman, guilty of treason, and 
the United States government is about to try him ; that is, to try him in the person of 
his confederate. They ought to have tried him at first, but you recollect, in the words 
of the Dred Scott decision, the United States government has no rights which Vir- 
ginia is bound to respect. The consequence is, that Virginia, after trying the men, 
has left the United States government only a test man to try the question. Now, 
John Brown takes these two principles. He says by the whole rule of ethics in civil 
society that justifies it. Justice is but a sham in the government ; I look up at the 
United States government, and I see that it has a rule that suits its party purposes, 
not justice. It is not permanent, it is not impartial, it is not universal. W r ell, such a 
man as our friend Brown, who, at least, recognizes justice as more than law, and right 
as his polar star, determines that he will do what in him lies to establish justice. Men 
say that he is flinging away his life. That is for him to judge. Men say that the 
result is not worth the sacrifice. Well, now, suppose I could carry you back to Bos- 
ton streets on the evening after Bunker Hill fight. I will carry you into Hutchin- 
son's house ; I will carry you into the parlors of any of the old colonial families. You 
will hear them saying, " What a pity — Warren 's dead ; Hancock and Adams have 
fled ; there is a warrant out against them ; those deluded soldiers, Mayhew, and War- 
ren, and Sam Adams ; how can these men answer it to the widows and children ; 
what fools, a few farmers to fling themselves against the embattled phalanx of the 
British government." Well, it looked so to men who were accustomed to look up to 
England ; doubtless the tories strengthened themselves, and many a patriot heart sank. 



THE JOIIN BROWN INVASION. 100 

But it was the beginning of the end. "Was Warren's life worth giving ? What did 
he establish? He established the example of resistance. lie bade the colonies try 
their strength. lie showed then that blood was equal to blood, and that right was 
right the world over. Luther faced the Princes of Germany, and lie went home and 
the Princes hid him, and the Catholics said, There is your brave man that dare not 
show himself in the streets; what a boaster he is — a ruined man. The world always 
attacks us on the eve of one of those defeats which is a victory. But this is Brown's 
position. Dr. Channing said, in one of his last essays, We have glued our swords to 
our sides; we have pledged the physical force of the State against the black man, and 
in favor of oppression ; we are all the more bound by every Christian and humane 
consideration to let no opportunity slip for giving our moral influence in behalf of the 
slave. That is the way it lay in Channing's mind. 

We have given the sword to the white man ; now give our tongues to the black. 
John Brown reasoned differently ; he was a Calvinist of the old stamp. The faith is 
said to be at some discount now ; but after John Brown, I think we may pardon a 
dozen New York Observers. He said, for sixty years we have given the sword to the 
white man ; the time has come to give it to the black. What right had we to give it 
to oppression ? You say it is the government ; you say it is the law ; you say there is 
a parchment oath hid back there in 1787. Well, he said to himself, I wonder if, when 
I go up to God, when, according to Hindoo phrase — "Alone thou wast born, alone 
shalt thou die, and alone shalt thou go up to judgment" — if when God asks me what 
did you do for those that are in bonds, when I ordered you to have a heart as bound 
with them, can I hide myself under the cob-web Constitution of 1787 ? And he said 
to himself, Lo, in that hour when I shall stand alone before the judgment seat eternal, 
as an American, with the guilt of two generations of forgetfulness on my heart, I will 
carry up the gratitude of the black race in my right hand. If my fathers sinned by 
promising to support the tyrant in his tyranny, I will not put off repentance to my 
children ; but I will give the best I have, my life and my right hand, for the service 
of those whom my fathers forgot. In 1787, Massachusetts said, " Let me go home and 
make money ; let me go home and fill my harbors with commerce ; let me hear the 
noise of the shuttle ; let me see luxuriousness climb up the sides of my hills, and I swear 
to forget the bondmen ; aye, in the language of one of the sons that is to be born to 
me, 'I will be ready to buckle on my knapsack to put down the slave insurrection if 
it should occur.' " And for sixty years she has stood with her foot on the heart of the 
black man. When the slave in his Carolina hovel was calculating his chances of 
escape, he brought into the scale against his hopes the marshalled ranks of the white 
men that he was to pass through before he was to reach the foreign soil. He saw us 
standing pledged to put him down. No protest that we could utter could reach him. 
Our white faces under the Constitution of 1787 were conclusive demonstration against 
us that he had nothing to hope from us.^1 John Brown has taught him, at Harper's 
Ferry, that there is hope for him amid the miTlions of the North. He has sent the 
gleam of a hopeful sun into the hovels of Carolina ; he has taught the heart of the 
bondman to leap up and thank God for the Mayflower. If he has not taught the slave 
insurrection, and I do not think he has, he has sent him this message : " There are 
friends for you working — abide your time and help us." I think, therefore, he has 
taught us a great lesson. He has exemplified a great moral ; he has released us from 
a servility to forms; he has taught us to pierce down to the essence of things. One 
of these essences is this : Can you look at that old man on his pallet, on the banks of 
the Potomac ; can you know what he is there for, and can your heart gird itself up to 
accuse Mm ? Can you look back to bis home, and not encircle it with your protect] 



110 THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. 

arms ? He has taught us the sacredness of impulse. Men say he will die. Perhaps 
he will. That indictment is a rag. It is a net with every thread broken. You might 
expect it — no blame to Mr. Hunter. He prepared it when a whole State was quak- 
ing in an earthquake, and had five minutes to do it in. You might have as well asked 
a man to model a constitution, under such circumstances. It is no shame to Mr. Hun- 
ter that he has put on record an indictment with rents in it so large that you might 
drive the whole population of Charlestown through it, and not touch either side. 
(Laughter.) Every criminal lawyer knows it. Some men are verdant enough to 
believe that there is professional character, and legal pride, and State dignity in the 
Virginia Court of Appeals, to sustain the objections to that indictment. Well, I do 
not believe it. I do not believe there is anything in Virginia but a juiff. There is 
nothing there to make a Judge out of. It* there was anything there that had any pro- 
fessional pride, feeling the eye of the legal profession upon them, they would scout the 
indictment as a disgrace to the annals of judicial record. But there is not. Virginia, 
with all her refinements, is too frightened to know which way she is looking ; and if 
John Brown was a raving maniac, with both hands tied, he would be hung all the 
same. That is my belief. And yet every lawyer knows there is n't yet a thread on 
which to hang him. But Virginia will find the warrant in her fears. But if he is 
sacrificed, the banks of the Potomac will be doubly dear to history, and toman, for the 
ashes of Washington rest there, and history will see forever on its bank that old man 
on his pallet, arraigned before the pirates. And if they hang him, the Father of his 
Country will be proud to make room for his ashes beside his grave. (Great applause.) 
And let history add to the record that he left wife and daughter, and they found son, 
and father and husband in the American people, that never forgot to tend their foot- 
steps, and to shelter them while God spared them the sight of those in whose veins the 
blood of the great martyr is running. (Immense applause.) 

The audience were now about to separate, when Mr. Andrew claimed their atten- 
tion. 

He said that the arguments upon the writ of error in Brown's case were made on 
Thursday. Every legal mind knew that such errors existed in the indictment as would 
secure a reversal of the judgment, if the case were freed from its present excitements. 
He spoke of the Court of Appeals as the highest of Virginia, and of the counsel, 
Messrs. Chilton and Greene, as among the ablest lawyers in the South. There had 
been no difficulty in obtaining the best of legal counsel to defend these men. 

Mr. Phillips here interrupted, to state an incident which he had heard. The wife 
of one of the counsel who went to Virginia, learning that he had gone to Charlestown, 
wrote to him, saying : " I fear for you — .you may not return to me ; but do your duty. 
I had rather be the widow of a brave man than the wife of a coward." (Great 
applause.) 

Mr. Andrew continued, stating that the gentleman who is the acknowledged head 
of the Virginia bar, only declined to argue the writ of error before the Court of Ap- 
peals because his other engagements would not allow him to give his mind to it with 
that entirety which ho should desire. These incidents, said Mr. Andrew, should not 
be forgotten ; because it was true that, notwithstanding the terrible blight of slavery 
which curses Virginia and all the South, humanity is nevertheless the same everywhere, 
and God is nowhere on the face of the earth in human hearts without a witness. (Ap- 
plause.) 

The meeting was then closed without further formality. 



THE JOHN BROWN INVASION. Ill 



SLANDERS UPON JOIIN BROWN. 



The compiler of this history of the Harper's Ferry Invasion -would have only par. 
tially performed his duty, did he fail to notice in these pages the following letter, which 
was received at the Charlestown Post Office just previous to the execution, and which 
■was read to Brown by the Sheriff. It relates to the massacre at Pottawottomie, of 
some of the border ruffian invaders of Kansas by some of the Free State men whom 
they had threatened to murder if found in the Territory after a certain day : 

To John Brown, Commander of the Army at Harper's Ferry, Charlestown, Jefferson 
Co., Va. — Care of Jailor, Charlestown. 

Chattanooga, Tenn., Nov. 20, 1859. 
John Brown — Sir: Although vengeance is not mine, I confess that I do feel 
gratified to hear that you were stopped in your fiendish career at Harper's Ferry with 
the loss of your two sons. You can now appreciate my distress in Kansas when you 
then and there entered my house at midnight and arrested my husband and two boys, 
and took them out in the yard, and in cold blood shot them dead in my hearing. You 
can't say you done it to free our slaves ; we had none and never expected to own oue, 
but it has only made me a poor disconsolate widow, with helpless children. While I 
feel for your folly, I do hope and trust you will meet with your just reward. Oh, how 
it pained my heart to hear the dying groans of my husband and children. If this 
scrawl gives you any consolation you are welcome to it. 

Mahala Doyle. 

N. B. — My son, John Doyle, whose life I begged of you, is now grown up, and is 
very desirous to be at Charlestown on the day of your execution ; would certainly be 
there if his means would permit it, that he might adjust the rope around your neck, if 
Gov. Wise would permit. M. D. 

Such outrages as are here charged, are certainly not in accordance with the tenor 
of Mr. Brown's whole past career, and his participation in the affair is denied not only 
by himself, but by many witnesses who were in the territory at the time, and had 
the best means of knowing who were the real perpetrators of the Pottowattomie mur- 
ders. One who was there has written to the Tribune a letter denying in the most 
positive manner that Brown was present on the occasion ; and we have, in addition 
to much other testimony to the same effect, the following from Mr. Brown's brother, 
a respectable citizen of Cleveland, Ohio : 

A SLANDER UPON JOIIN BROWN REFUTED. 

(From the Cleveland Herald.) 
All who know the character of Brown, of The Herald of Freedom, of Kansas, very 
well know the baseness of his slanders upon his namesake, Capt. John Brown. The 
brother of Capt. B. has, however, thought it best to notice a republication of one of 
The Herald of Freedom's slanders in The Plain Dealer. The letter of Mr. J. It. Brown 
we give as it appears in The Plain Dealer : 



112 the john brown invasion. 

Cleveland, Nov. 22, 1859. 
To the Editor of The Plain Dealer. 

You published some time since an article from The Kansas Herald of Freedom, 
charging upon my brother with abetting the death of William Doyle and others. You 
referred to this subject again in your paper of yesterday. 

This statement of The Herald of Freedom is wholly false, so far as concerns my 
brother ; and its circulation through your paper is an act of injustice to him, which I 
trust you would not willingly commit. 

I have no doubt that time will rectify all false impressions as to my brother's conduct 
in Kansas and I have no wish to say any thing at present, by way of changing public 
sentiment concerning it. But the circulation of this statement of The Herald, uncon- 
tradicted, is calculated to embitter the few remaining days my b , v as to live, and 
it is for his sake that I trouble you with the following statemei -• : 

My brother, at the time William Doyle and others were killed, i ^ ~ot present, did 
not assent to the act, nor had any knowledge of it, and was eighteen miles distant at 
the time of the occurrence. 

My brother John and his two sons were living in the same neighborhood, and a 
Committee of five from the Border-Ruffian camp called upon him, and said that they 
were instructed to warn him that if Free State men were found there the next Thurs- 
day night they would kill every one of them, and they could command force enough 
to carry the threat into execution. My brother replied to them that he should not be 
found there, as, before this, he had made his arrangements to be in another part of the 
Territory. It was known to the Free State men of that section that this threat to 
destroy them had been made, and, before Thursday night came, Doyle and others were 
destroyed — they being of the number of those who had threatened the destruction of 
the Free State settlers. The effect of this was, the Border-Ruffians became terror- 
stricken, and left the Territory. 

/ have this account of this affair from my brother and his two sons; also from a sister 
and brother-in-law (now living in Kansas), who had personal knowledge of this transaction ; 
and the statements of all of whom upon any subject iccre never yet questioned by any one 
having any thing like a perfect knowledge of their characters. 

J R. Brown. 

ADDITIONAL TESTIMONY. 

(Extract from a Letter to the Editor of the Boston Traveller.) 

One of the actors in that affair (the Pottowattomie Massacre) now dead, gave me in 
the summer of '5G, a description of it, the causes of the deed and the manner in which 
it was done ; and from that statement, which has been verified by all the inquiries 
that have been made since, there is no hesitation on my part in declaring that 
Capt. John Brown was not at the scene, nor a participator in the righteous act by 
which five ruffians were sent to their account. * * * * 

Doyle was engaged with others in a fiendish attempt to outrage the persons of 
Captain Brown's daughter (the wife of Thompson, who while a prisoner in the hands 
chivalry of Virginia was so brutally butchered), and of his daughter-in-law, the wife 
of one of Brown's sons. ****** 

These are facts which politicians cannot blink. I am not a politician, and therefore 
dare to honor and vindicate John Brown, a man whom I love and reverence beyond 
all others who labored for the cause of Freedom in Kansas. 

In closing, let me say that John Brown told me he was not a participator in the 
Pottawottomic homicides. John Brown was incapable of uttering a falsehood. I 
would take his word against the oaths of a million of Doylcs. 

December 3, 1859. R. J. HiNTON. 

on u 






-^ 











































































































































^ 




































^ 
























s\ N 

























































































"St. 



























*p 














































x ^. 



